Psychomachia by Jennifer Mongold

The Imagery of Psychomachia
Mongold 1
Psychomachia which is often translated as “Battle of the Souls” or “The Fight for Mansoul” discusses the ordeal and conflict of one’s inner soul between virtues and vices (Prudentius1, Wikipedia). There are many theories about this piece, such as the derivation of the seven deadly sins, morality plays and the more modern “Good Angel” vs. “Bad Angel” or “Devil” from this poem. Although the first is a misconception, the other two are very likely (Wikipedia, Muppet Wiki). What makes this piece of literature interesting, though, is not the modern takes and derivatives, but the actual piece itself with its vivid descriptions and the artwork which accompanied the manuscripts.
The poem first begins with a preface involving Abram and Lot, but then quickly turns to the battle between the Virtues and the Vices. First, Faith takes on Worship-of-the-Old-Gods also known as pagan idolatry and smites her head down. Second, is the battle between Chastity and Lust the Sodomite which ends with a sword-thrust to Lust’s throat. Our third battle involves Long-Suffering, who aids all of the virtues, and Wrath who eventually kills herself because her efforts are useless against Long-Suffering. The next fight is between Lowliness who has help from Hope, an angel type of figure, and Pride in which Pride falls into the pit set by Deceit. It goes on to list other Virtues involved and then we see Soberness and Indulgence whose battle is quite lengthy. It appears at one point that Indulgence could win the combat, but Soberness makes a speech and frightens the horses driving Indulgence’s chariot with a wooden cross which leads to the trampling of the Vice. After the death of their leader, Indulgence, many of the Vices retreat or run away, but then Greed makes her appearance. She targets the priests who are saved by Reason. Greed then turns into a Virtue known as Thrifty which turns out to be a trick that Good Works sees through. She then battles Avarice, who we know as Greed or Thrifty. Avarice gets her come-uppance, however, as she is rent limb from limb. At this severe blow the rest of the Vices leave and Peace declares the end to violence. Discord is slippery, though, and infiltrates the Virtues injuring Concord who then deals with the Vice to restore order so that the Virtues can construct, under Wisdom’s supervision and instruction, their temple which in itself is beautiful in its description. And thus, the poem ends peacefully and methodically this way with the lesson learnt and everything that is right and good established (Prudentius 275-343).
One interesting thing about the story and the characters is that all of the Vices and Virtues were female. Females don’t normally play the part of these heroic warriors fighting in huge battles, especially not important battles. This situation, however, is easily “accounted for by the gender of abstract nouns in Latin”, the original language of the poem. Although this explains the earliest translations, this is not an explanation as to why “the Virtues remain female for the rest of their career in literature and art” while the Vices change and vary in sex or, in some cases become non-human depending on the tradition or whim of the artist (Norman 13). H.J. Thomson, for example, chose to make the Virtues and Vices all female, except for one. Out of all of the Virtues and Vices who were focused on enough to be given pronouns in order to specify gender, Desire was the only male. He is barely in the story, but is briefly mentioned in the first retreat with the line, “Desire turns his back in flight” (Prudentius 309). It is a surprising reversal of roles for a medieval text to make the “Fight for the Mansoul” between women.
Not only is the story complicated, action packed and captivating, both within the plot as well as outside of it, it would be just like many other works from this time period without the imagery it provides both in and out of the text. The poem itself is less than a thousand lines long, but is filled with vivid descriptions and each manuscript contained several illustrations to go along with the story (Prudentius). Many of the manuscripts of Prudentius written before the thirteenth century contain anywhere from two to ninety illustrations (Norman 13). These illustrations supposedly “derive from a cycle of eighty-nine drawings which originated in the fifth century” (Greenberg). It is these illustrations from Psychomachia that “derived from the very intentions of the text” which “provided a pictorial base for subsequent illustrations of the theme”, that is the theme involving a battle between Virtues and Vices, and “became the primary source for . . . the iconography of the psychomachia allegory in the Middle Ages” (Norman 11-12). So it is not only the poem, Psychomachia, which was groundbreaking and inspirational for future ideas and generations, but the artwork that is linked with it through the manuscripts.
Looking strictly at the text, however, is very important for this work. For this poem that he wrote in the fifth century, Prudentius had a simple allegorical framework which he elaborated on with a number of physical details with or without allegorical importance. Due to this piece, Prudentius is the primary source for this psychomachia allegory. The poem is important for another reason because without the poem there would not be such importance or revere connected with the illustrations. With the text, the illustrations are literal representations of it as most medieval artists tried to do on principle. The text and picture are literal reflections of one another as we see when comparing the two. The only difference one might discover is a slight variation in weapons among the characters. But, since these are literal representations, the artists were only concerned with what represented those actions from the text and relied upon the text for explanation (Norman11-12).

Although, as stated previously, Prudentius is the primary source for the psychomachia allegory, he was not the first to have thought of this theory. St. Paul and Tertullian both spoke of “a battle between good and evil, virtue and vice,” but Prudentius was able to take this concept and develop it into an elaborate allegory which involved specific Virtues and Vices entering into “a variety of single combats as part of one great battle.” Prudentius took this Christian concept and merged it with a more pagan literary form with the classic epic tradition to write a Christian epic. This proved a popular idea of his which was picked up by the illustrators who “followed his lead by freely borrowing motifs and details from classical pagan art.” By doing this, Prudentius “created a new literary mode in his adaptation of pagan epic to Christian allegory” and the illustrators “established a new allegorical iconography” (Norman 12-13).

While this new allegorical iconography was created and all the illustrations stemmed from a common original, they can be roughly split into two distinctive iconographic groups. There is a northern group which includes the French and Anglo-Saxon manuscripts, which used a technique called “outline drawing,” and a southern group including manuscripts from the Rhine and Meuse valleys (Greenberg, Norman 13). “The illustrators were following a tradition that was clearly defined and essentially conservative,” but the northern group’s Virtues wore “long garments with a mantle often drawn over the head,” unless specifically stated in the text otherwise. The Vices are drawn in “long or short tunics, sometimes with a mantle fastened on the shoulder, and occasionally in a short, belted garment fastened on one shoulder, leaving one arm bare.” The southern group, however, has the Virtues appearing “as warriors in mail with helmets” while the Vices are drawn in “a short costume with the skirt divided into three parts resembling flames. Their hair is disheveled and flies out in flame-like strands.” The individual characters are able to be identified through an action rather than an attribute. These two genres of illustrations based on region, rather than hindering any establishment of iconography, actually help with it because it is these variations which “play an important role in developing the iconography of the Virtues and Vices” (Norman 13-14).

The poem Psychomachia by Prudentius has always had influence, whether it is now or in the fifth century when it was first written. From combining pagan and Christian elements in harmony for a story which had Christian and pagan characters battling to having women warriors battling it out for man’s soul, Prudentius was a contemporary in an age considered to be “dark.” He took a small concept, expanded it and created something so huge it reached farther than just his audience to whom he wrote for at the time. Little children now know the basic concept of the psychomachia allegory without even reading the poem, just because they’ve most likely seen a cartoon or show which had a character undergoing an internal conflict with the “mini-me” versions of the character dressed as an angel and a devil to help the character come to a decision. It was an inspiring and influential piece for illustrators as well as being wildly popular with the present day audience of the fifth century and it not only reached the audience whom it was created for, but it continues to reach a modern day audience whether they realize it or not.


Works Cited
1) Greenberg, Hope, comp. 10th and 11th Century Clothing in England: a Portfolio of Images. 3 Sept. 2003. University of Vermont. 30 May 2008 .
2) Norman, Joanna S. Metamorphoses of an Allegory: The Iconography of the Psychomachia in Medieval Art. American University Studies. Series IX, History; Vol. 29. New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 1988.
3) Prudentius. Prudentius. Vol. I. Trans. H.J. Thomson. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969.
4) "Psychomachia." Muppet Wiki. 30 May 2008 .
5) "Psychomachia." Wikipedia. 23 Nov. 2007. Wikimedia Foundation, Inc. 30 May 2008 .
6) A Detail from the Psychomachia; the Allegorical Struggle for Possession of the Soul. Cambridge. The Parker Library. Corpus Christi College. 30 May 2008 .
7) 32 B517 LStd 4,38A 075133 Stettiner, R., Die illustrierten Prudentiushandschriften (1895-1905), II, pl. 141. .
8) 32 B517 LStd 4,40A 075137 Stettiner, R., Die illustrierten Prudentiushandschriften (1895-1905), II, pl. 145Stettiner, R., Die illustrierten Prudentiushandschriften (1895-1905). .

Medieval Marriage by Dan Sutton

Carolingian and Medieval Marriage


Carolingian marriage had much of the same structure and tradition that contemporary marriage has: families gathering, vows exchanged, a transition of wealth, and consummation of the partnership. However, in Carolingian society, marriage had a slightly different connotation given to it; this fact lies in the question of love. Today people marry because they want to spend the rest of their worldly lives together; in medieval society marriage was most often used as a political tool to bring powerful families together. And while we as a civilization are debating the definition of marriage, the Carolingians were known to have had two definitive types.

Muntehe

Muntehe, by practice, was a transfer of guardianship over a woman from her kin group to her husband. This type of union was based heavily on the social status of the woman and, predictably, the man and woman would be of a similar status background thus insuring that both parties’ families were benefiting. Generally, the benefits of such a binding union (and this was the more legally binding of the two) were the transfer of wealth between families and also the continuation of the bloodlines of both families. One of the main points of interest in this type of marriage is that consent on behalf of the participants was not very important in order for the couple to be married; very often the two had never even met and the families had already given their blessing, which was the only legal consent that was needed in such situations (Karras, The History of Marriage and the Myth of Friedelehe).

Along with the parental consent of the couple to wed, often a bride-price was to be paid by the man. A bride-price would be a monetary amount with which the groom often “purchased” either the wife or the rights to the guardianship of the woman and of her property. An interesting fact, though, is that this bride-price was most often paid to the woman and not to her family. The practice of payment eventually evolved into both a bride-price and a dowry which was the promised wealth and property that the woman brought to the union (Thomas, Medieval and Renaissance Marriage: Theory and Customs). Beyond these monetary agreements there were four conditions that were used to legally bind a muntehe marriage, written out by Hincmar, the Archbishop of Rheims, which states:

1. The partners had to be of equal and free rank and must give their consent
2. The woman must be given by her father and dowered
3. The marriage must be honored publicly
4. The union was completed by sexual consummation (Duby, 34)

As time past, the rules of this more permanent marriage began to change where consent became an important fixture of the proceedings. There were two types of consent: verba de futuro and verba de praesenti. Verba de futuro is very similar to the action of becoming engaged in today’s world; it was the consent of the parties to marry in the future shone by the example in the wording of “I will take you as my wife”. In contrast the promise of verba de praesenti or in the same vein “I do take you as my wife” was used as the final step for the couple to be wed and for the women to then move into her new husband’s quarters. (Thomas, Medieval and Renaissance Marriage: Theory and Customs). It is also important to include that Muntehe was much more difficult to dissolve (or get a divorce) then the upcoming Friedelehe; however, if the marriage was not consummated, it could still be dissolved and the parties were allowed to remarry-this rule coming from the ecclesiastical side of things.

Friedelehe

Friedelehe is a type of marriage in the Carolingian period that more closely relates to our modern version of the practice. In this type the woman is recognized more as a “wife” due to the fact that the marriage is by choice rather than as a symbolic act to make peace or benefit two families. Very often this union was for a lower class crowd or if the man was marrying below his status. Friedelehe may have its origins as an early form of Germanic marriage as shown in Tacitus’s writing “alone among the barbarians they are content with one wife, except for a few who, not because of lust but because of their nobility enter into several marriages” (Karras, The History of Marriage and the Myth of Friedelehe). In this marriage the woman would receive a “morgengabe” or monetary morning gift from the groom after the consummation; it is suggested by historian that this was a present to recognize that the wife had remained a virgin. Notice, though, that this is not a dowry and no possessions were transitioned; thus, allowing this particular form to be much more easily dissolved then the Muntehe version. Moving deeper into the Carolingian period, the status of Friedelehe has been downgraded and the women in the relationship were now known as concubines. And while Friedelehe was an official marriage in which the offspring were considered legitimate, the church became consistently more vocal against these non-binding practices. This lead to celebrating Friedelehe without legal proceedings thus why there are no legal accounts of the practice. (Karras, The History of Marriage and the Myth of Friedelehe). Due to the church pressure this marriage type was also not able to be publicly celebrated. (Stone, Bound From Either Side). It is interesting to note that Charlemagne allowed his daughters to enter into these agreements as opposed to the more binding kind so that he would not have to transfer any money or property permanently to the spouses.

Marriage Proceedings

While Friedelehe has its own set of marriage proceedings, they are not as well documented as that of Muntehe arrangements. There are known to be two separate segments in a medieval marriage: the betrothal and the wedding. The betrothal was a more solemn event (at least in Frankish culture) where the parents of the groom and bride-to-be met and discussed the proceedings and usually the transfers of wealth, property, and anything else having to due with the dowry. It is mentioned that many things that are apparent today started in these medieval ceremonies: exchanging of rings, sealing the marriage by handshake between the bride’s father and groom, the sealing by a kiss. In short, the betrothal always included some passing of material between the two families as a sign of promise of marriage in the future (Thomas, Medieval and Renaissance Marriage: Theory and Customs).
After some time had past since the betrothal (usually to get preparations in order) the wedding occurred. Prior to the twelfth century, there is no evidence suggesting that the nuptials actually took place in a church. It is actually known that early on in these marriages, a priest was not required to attend and if one did it was just to bless the couple, not to actually lead them in the marriage ceremonies. When this process does come about, which is speculated to be when the betrothal moved into the church, the bride and groom would do an exchange much like this.
"I, (MName)., give my body to you, (FName) in loyal matrimony."
"And I receive it(f)."
"I, (Fname), give my body to you, (Mname)."
"And I receive it(m)" (Thomas, Medieval and Renaissance Marriage: Theory and Customs).
Once the ceremony was over the families would join in a feast and then the consummation would occur. This was the true sealing of the marriage and afterwareds the bride would then have a ceremonial removal to her husband’s house.
Marriage Laws
There were many rules and regulations to pre-marriage and marriage in Charlemagne’s time. I will include just a few that were named in the book Carolingian Civilization by Paul Edward Dutton.
“If any man’s wife is dead, he has the right to take another, likewise, also, in the case of a woman. If he takes a third wife, he shall fast for three weeks; if he takes a fourth or a fifth, he shall fast for twenty-one week” (Dutton, 249)
“If anyone who has a lawful wife puts her away and marries another, she whom he marries is not his. He shall not eat or drink, nor shall he be at all the conversation with her whom he has wrongly taken or with her parents. Moreover, if the parents consent to it, they shall be excommunicated. If a woman seduces the husband of another woman, she shall be excommunicated from the Christians.” (Dutton, 249).
Both of these laws come from The Penitential of Halitgar which was written around the late 820’s. The next law comes from the Capitularies of Charlemagne and is in reference to the Saxon Territories.
“If anyone shall have made a prohibited or illegal marriage, if a noble (he shall pay) 60 solidi, if a freeman 30, if a litus 15.” (Dutton, 68”).
As shown, these marriage laws and codes did not just apply to royals or just to laypeople, they affected all. But one of the most interesting rules was that of consanguinity or incestual marriage. Councils during the Carolingian period ruled that no marriage was permitted within at least three degrees with many more saying it should be beyond four to five. However, the only way people really knew this was oral history due to the fact that they genealogists (if there were one in the area) only wrote down the male line; this lead to genealogist having to give consent on a marriage proving the couple to be, at least partially, unrelated. (Duby, The Chivalrous Society).

Works Cited
Duby, Georges. The Chivalrous Society. Berkeley, California: University of California P, 1981.
Duby, Georges. The Knight- the Lady- and the Priest: the Making of Modern Marriage in Medieval France. New York, New York: Pantheon, 1983. 34.
Dutton, Paul E. Carolingian Civilization. 2nd ed. Ontario, Canada: Broadview P, 2004. 86-249.
Karras, Ruth. "The History of Marriage and the Myth of Friedelehe." Early Medieval Europe 14 (2006): 119-151.
Stone, Rachel. "'Bound From Either Side': the Limits of Power in Carolingian Marriage Disputes, 840-870." Gender and History 19 (2007): 467-482.
Thomas, Kirsti. "Medieval and Renaissance Marriage: Theory and Customs." 20 May 2008 .

Medieval Swords by Alex Hunt

Medieval Swords
The Sword was not the most common weapon of the medieval period, although it is most widely known. The sword dates back to the Stone Age where they used sharp, flat pieces of flint and had bone or wooden handles. Though these are technically called swords what we would recognize as swords really only be possible with metallurgy (start of Bronze Age). Fuller was a hammered or ground groove, making the sword lighter without reducing strength. Blade was the part used to cut. The average was 25” to 31” in length and 2” to 2.5” in width. Pummel was the part used to counterweigh the blade and secure the tang. Also usually had a rich design. Also used as a weapon. Tang was the unsharpened part of iron which the hilt is made around. Upper guard and lower guard were used to protect the hand from sliding sword blades of your opponent and keeping your hand from sliding to your own blade. Depending on style of pommel, you can tell what time period the sword is from. For example, washer style was used during the continental Germanic period. Also the boat, hat, and animal pommel were popular in the early Anglo-Saxon period. The triangular and pyramid pommel came from the early Viking period. The lobed style was used in the middle of the Anglo-Saxon period or around the 9th C. Tea-cosy and brazil nut style were used in the middle to late period of the Anglo-Saxons, or the 10th C. The making of a sword I found very interesting. It is called “pattern welding”. It is a time consuming and labor-intensive technique. It made blades very durable and robust. The blades were springy and hard to break which could be why Roland could not break his sword on the rock. Another common way to make a sword was to order blades from Rhineland. Rhineland was an area in West Germany located on both sides of the river Rhine. They then would add there own hilt to the blade they had received. Hilts were typically made from bone or wood. The full metal hilt and the hammered one piece of steel came around later in the late 9th C. This is the technique that everyone sees in movies. This involves a guy hammering away at a piece of metal to make a sword. Historians believe the reason they went to this technique is because the found better ore. In the sixth century swords appeared that had a staple and ring attached to it. At first it was thought that something was put through the ring to keep the sword in place if the user’s grip slackened. However they were solid so nothing could be put through them. Historians also found swords where the ring was removed. They believe that the rings were marks of honor for knights. In the 700’s sword detail took a decline. Also archeologists found less swords buried with dead from this time period. Historians think this is because of the Christian influence. Material objects were not supposed to be held in such high regard. In the 800’s it again started to become popular to have decorated swords. Saxon swords started to have the cross guard bend away from the hand and also were shorter and not as thick. This was to help secure enemy weapons in the cross guard in hopes of disarming them.
The Sword, in Germanic hands was always a hacking and slashing weapon. It had a shallow fuller and a long, flat blade. The pommel was richly made and historians often could tell rank of the sword wielder by the pommel.
There are many different versions of the story of King Arthur and his sword Excalibur. I am going to tell you about Sir Thomas Malory’s Excalibur. Arthur broke the sword he pulled from the stone fighting King Pellinore. King Pellinor was the father of Percival, who later went on the Grail quest with Galahad and Sir Bors. Merlin saves Arthur by putting King Pellinor to sleep. Merlin takes Arthur to a lake and at that lake is a lady and a sword being held out of the water by a hand. Arthur speaks with Lady of the Lake and asks for the sword. She lets Arthur have it in exchange for a gift. Arthur agrees and rows to the sword and gets it. Sometime later King Arthur is killed by Mordred. Sir Bedivere is with the king. The King asks him 3 times to throw the sword back into the water. Sir Bedivere lies to Arthur two times about throwing the sword into the water. When he finally does a hand comes up and grabs the sword.



Bibliography
Pollington, Stephen. English Warrior from Earliest Times. Norfolk England: Anglo- Saxon Books, 2002
Malory, Sir Thomas. Le Morte Darthur Oxford New York: Oxford University Press Inc., 1998.
Wikipedia.org

Medieval Medicine by Cory Meddles

Medicine during the middle ages was a subject that was looked at in a much different perspective than how it is perceived today. Medicine as it is performed today is much more accurate, precise and logical compared to the middle and dark ages. The middle ages relied on much more theological and spiritual theories rather than actual physical and medical theories. During the middle ages scientific method was very sparse in Western Europe and this is probably one of the main reasons there was very little logical theory used in medieval medicine.
As far as medical “technology” had come before entering the Middle Ages, it is easy to admit that it did not make much of an advance or leap in success during the majority of this time. During this time much focus encircled healing the soul rather than the body. Many theologians and even some medical practitioners believed that the cause of diseases and illness came through sin, destiny and even astral influences. This eventually led to a massive death total in Western Europe. Since that much of medieval medicine was based on religion and spiritual aspects, it’s not surprising that churches did much of the medical teaching in the Middle Ages. The church stated that in some cases God would send illness as a punishment to sinners and other evil-doers and the only way to cure yourself was to pay repentances, and this was the theory that the Western Civilization lived by to cure diseases and illnesses.
Church and religion was primarily one of the main focus points during the dark ages. Much of life during the middle ages set their goals and values based on religion which is arguably different from today. Even though there is still a large religious population existing on earth today, it was still much larger during the middle ages. It is easy to say that much of man and woman based their daily lives and values on religious boundaries. So it might sound weird to someone to say that medicine and other medical subjects were based significantly on religion and spirituality, but back then that is all they had to base there ideas on and technology was not a factor.
The actual cures that the population of the Western civilization had for their diseases were still not logical antidotes or remedies but were more reasonable as a whole. Humours were the main underlying principle of medieval medicine. The medieval theory believed that within every person there were four humours or fluids that needed to be present to keep a person healthy. These for humours were the black, yellow, phlegm and blood biles. For instance they believed if someone had too much of the phlegm humour, then they would develop lung problems because the phlegm bile was produced in the lungs. The main logical aspect of this treatment was the fact that they had actual working remedies for these problems. Patients were put on diets, or were exposed to blood-letting by leaches to reduce the blood bile.
A good portion of the medieval medicine ideas came from an ancient Greek physician known as Galen. Galen was a man of many interests and looked into many professions before focusing on medicine. He did much of his studies like dissections and other experiments of that sort on pigs, apes and other animals because dissection of the human body was strictly against roman law. Dissection of these animals taught him a lot but did lead to a lot of knowledge mistakes on the human body because humans and animals are obviously structured much differently internally. He finally became more understanding of the human body when he became a physician for a gladiator school. Working on many cases of trauma and open wounds let him gain more knowledge on the human body and he called this “windows into the body.”
Galen’s research and experiments set a tone for the rest of the world to absorb. Galen was one of the first, and quite possibly the first person to actually start to understand the functions of the human body. Galen gained much experience from working on his gladiator subjects and discovered a lot of different aspects about the human body, for example: body functions, body parts, and other things in that such nature. What is most incredible about this is that Galen did not have the tools or technology that the current people that live on this earth have now. Galen must have been a very intelligent individual to be able to work with individuals such as the gladiators and his other patients and be able to comprehend what was going on with their body. This is primarily why he was a role model for much of medieval medicine.
The prior remedies were not the only assessments made during the middle ages. Herbs were also a tool used in the belief of the Christian faith in the Western civilization. The herbs proved as a form that God has given a form of “prescription” for every illness, these usually coming from animals, vegetables or minerals since it was believed that God created everything on earth. All of these seemed to carry a type of signature that indicated what part of the body or fulfillment that they medicated. The seeds of skull caps were used to cure headaches basically because they resembled little skulls and white spotted leaves were used for tuberculosis because they looked like diseased lungs. Besides the use of herbs and fulfillment of humours, other Christian beliefs were used, for example certain shrines. Many ill patients were brought to specific shrines that were supposably used to cure patients of specific illnesses and diseases. Although sometimes possible “miracles” occurred, this belief turned out to be a great downfall for the medieval period. What is known as the “Black Death” plague Leprosy killed many people of the Western civilization because the use of spiritual and religious forms of medication simply did not work.
Although in the middle ages they were obviously not as technologically advanced as we are today, surgeons and physicians did exist. But there was a big difference between the two. For the most part physicians aided to problems that surfaced inside the body and surgeons dealt with other problems like wounds, broken bones, amputations and other severe medical problems. This makes sense because that is how the medical world works today, physicians are basically the people who are able to diagnose the problems and the surgeons focus on the technical work. After a noticeable amount of people were not being healed correctly, the people demanded that surgeons, physicians and others of that sort to be medically trained for a number of years to be able to practice on patients which is still demanded upon to this day. Many medical professionals were scholars and priests which made sense because even though medicine was starting to become a little more logical it still followed a Christian path. Any untrained physicians were liable to be prosecuted and fined.
Even though it is stated that medical advancement did not take place during the middle ages, there are reasons why the practice stayed in place and at least made an attempt to become better. This reason is because of the up-rise of epidemics. The “Black Death”which was actually a pandemic which killed over seventy-five million people in Europe in the 1340’s. But that was not the only epidemic. Other diseases occurred, for example Leprosy. Leprosy is an infectious disease that is caused primarily by mycobacterium. This disease is a close relative to tuberculosis but is different in the fact that it cannot be grown outside of other living animal cells. This was unknown back in the Middle Ages however because of the lack of technology and killed many Western civilians. The main remedies used to attempt to cure these people came from obviously religion. As stated earlier, shrines, statues and prayer were used to help heal the diseased people but it was not a successful attempt.
For an overview, for the most part medieval medicine was very useless in most cases and did not enhance until they started to follow Islamic practices which were much more enhanced and useful. Islamic practices were much more helpful because they focused on other medical interests rather than just religion. The Islamic medical field seemed to be much more advanced than Western Europe. They based their medical practices on more logical boundaries than Western Europe. The Islamic practices were more focused on physical medical attention which was more logical and is the main practice today. Islamic physicians actually traveled to help cure many of the people of the medieval Western civilization. It cannot be certain what other medical tools or remedies were used in this time because not all of that time of history was recorded but it is certain that we have come a dramatically long way since then.

Bibliography

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Medieval_medicine

http://library.thinkquest.org/15569/hist-6.html

http://www.maggietron.com/med/epidemics.php

The Cambridge History of Medicine, Porter, Roy,

Visualizing Medieval Medicine And Natural History, 1200-1550, Jean A. Givens, Karen M. Reeds, Alain Touwaide

Medieval Medicine by Cory Meddles

Medicine during the middle ages was a subject that was looked at in a much different perspective than how it is perceived today. Medicine as it is performed today is much more accurate, precise and logical compared to the middle and dark ages. The middle ages relied on much more theological and spiritual theories rather than actual physical and medical theories. During the middle ages scientific method was very sparse in Western Europe and this is probably one of the main reasons there was very little logical theory used in medieval medicine.
As far as medical “technology” had come before entering the Middle Ages, it is easy to admit that it did not make much of an advance or leap in success during the majority of this time. During this time much focus encircled healing the soul rather than the body. Many theologians and even some medical practitioners believed that the cause of diseases and illness came through sin, destiny and even astral influences. This eventually led to a massive death total in Western Europe. Since that much of medieval medicine was based on religion and spiritual aspects, it’s not surprising that churches did much of the medical teaching in the Middle Ages. The church stated that in some cases God would send illness as a punishment to sinners and other evil-doers and the only way to cure yourself was to pay repentances, and this was the theory that the Western Civilization lived by to cure diseases and illnesses.
Church and religion was primarily one of the main focus points during the dark ages. Much of life during the middle ages set their goals and values based on religion which is arguably different from today. Even though there is still a large religious population existing on earth today, it was still much larger during the middle ages. It is easy to say that much of man and woman based their daily lives and values on religious boundaries. So it might sound weird to someone to say that medicine and other medical subjects were based significantly on religion and spirituality, but back then that is all they had to base there ideas on and technology was not a factor.
The actual cures that the population of the Western civilization had for their diseases were still not logical antidotes or remedies but were more reasonable as a whole. Humours were the main underlying principle of medieval medicine. The medieval theory believed that within every person there were four humours or fluids that needed to be present to keep a person healthy. These for humours were the black, yellow, phlegm and blood biles. For instance they believed if someone had too much of the phlegm humour, then they would develop lung problems because the phlegm bile was produced in the lungs. The main logical aspect of this treatment was the fact that they had actual working remedies for these problems. Patients were put on diets, or were exposed to blood-letting by leaches to reduce the blood bile.
A good portion of the medieval medicine ideas came from an ancient Greek physician known as Galen. Galen was a man of many interests and looked into many professions before focusing on medicine. He did much of his studies like dissections and other experiments of that sort on pigs, apes and other animals because dissection of the human body was strictly against roman law. Dissection of these animals taught him a lot but did lead to a lot of knowledge mistakes on the human body because humans and animals are obviously structured much differently internally. He finally became more understanding of the human body when he became a physician for a gladiator school. Working on many cases of trauma and open wounds let him gain more knowledge on the human body and he called this “windows into the body.”
Galen’s research and experiments set a tone for the rest of the world to absorb. Galen was one of the first, and quite possibly the first person to actually start to understand the functions of the human body. Galen gained much experience from working on his gladiator subjects and discovered a lot of different aspects about the human body, for example: body functions, body parts, and other things in that such nature. What is most incredible about this is that Galen did not have the tools or technology that the current people that live on this earth have now. Galen must have been a very intelligent individual to be able to work with individuals such as the gladiators and his other patients and be able to comprehend what was going on with their body. This is primarily why he was a role model for much of medieval medicine.
The prior remedies were not the only assessments made during the middle ages. Herbs were also a tool used in the belief of the Christian faith in the Western civilization. The herbs proved as a form that God has given a form of “prescription” for every illness, these usually coming from animals, vegetables or minerals since it was believed that God created everything on earth. All of these seemed to carry a type of signature that indicated what part of the body or fulfillment that they medicated. The seeds of skull caps were used to cure headaches basically because they resembled little skulls and white spotted leaves were used for tuberculosis because they looked like diseased lungs. Besides the use of herbs and fulfillment of humours, other Christian beliefs were used, for example certain shrines. Many ill patients were brought to specific shrines that were supposably used to cure patients of specific illnesses and diseases. Although sometimes possible “miracles” occurred, this belief turned out to be a great downfall for the medieval period. What is known as the “Black Death” plague Leprosy killed many people of the Western civilization because the use of spiritual and religious forms of medication simply did not work.
Although in the middle ages they were obviously not as technologically advanced as we are today, surgeons and physicians did exist. But there was a big difference between the two. For the most part physicians aided to problems that surfaced inside the body and surgeons dealt with other problems like wounds, broken bones, amputations and other severe medical problems. This makes sense because that is how the medical world works today, physicians are basically the people who are able to diagnose the problems and the surgeons focus on the technical work. After a noticeable amount of people were not being healed correctly, the people demanded that surgeons, physicians and others of that sort to be medically trained for a number of years to be able to practice on patients which is still demanded upon to this day. Many medical professionals were scholars and priests which made sense because even though medicine was starting to become a little more logical it still followed a Christian path. Any untrained physicians were liable to be prosecuted and fined.
Even though it is stated that medical advancement did not take place during the middle ages, there are reasons why the practice stayed in place and at least made an attempt to become better. This reason is because of the up-rise of epidemics. The “Black Death”which was actually a pandemic which killed over seventy-five million people in Europe in the 1340’s. But that was not the only epidemic. Other diseases occurred, for example Leprosy. Leprosy is an infectious disease that is caused primarily by mycobacterium. This disease is a close relative to tuberculosis but is different in the fact that it cannot be grown outside of other living animal cells. This was unknown back in the Middle Ages however because of the lack of technology and killed many Western civilians. The main remedies used to attempt to cure these people came from obviously religion. As stated earlier, shrines, statues and prayer were used to help heal the diseased people but it was not a successful attempt.
For an overview, for the most part medieval medicine was very useless in most cases and did not enhance until they started to follow Islamic practices which were much more enhanced and useful. Islamic practices were much more helpful because they focused on other medical interests rather than just religion. The Islamic medical field seemed to be much more advanced than Western Europe. They based their medical practices on more logical boundaries than Western Europe. The Islamic practices were more focused on physical medical attention which was more logical and is the main practice today. Islamic physicians actually traveled to help cure many of the people of the medieval Western civilization. It cannot be certain what other medical tools or remedies were used in this time because not all of that time of history was recorded but it is certain that we have come a dramatically long way since then.

Bibliography

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Medieval_medicine

http://library.thinkquest.org/15569/hist-6.html

http://www.maggietron.com/med/epidemics.php

The Cambridge History of Medicine, Porter, Roy,

Visualizing Medieval Medicine And Natural History, 1200-1550, Jean A. Givens, Karen M. Reeds, Alain Touwaide

Medieval Hairstyles by Julie Toeniskoetter

Medieval Hairstyles
By: Julie Toeniskoetter
Hair is one of the many features we can use today to distinguish ourselves from one another. The color and texture help define who we are in terms of ethnicity, and how we style our hair allows us to be individuals. However hair used to have a much more symbolic purpose. From the time of the barbarians until the time of Charlemagne, hair was used to establish status. Different hairstyles represented different occupations and the status one had in society.
During the Late Antiquity hair was symbolic of age. Tacitus described the act of the Germans growing their hair from the time of maturity until they have made their first kill. Only then are they allowed to shave their beard and cut their hair. He also described them as having red hair rather than the traditional blond. This could be because the blood of their enemies dyed it red. According to Tacitus, the Germanic tribes were mostly interested in warfare. Germanic men piled hair on top of their heads to make themselves seem bigger and scarier. It is similar to a dog that would raise it’s fur when it felt threatened. To keep their hair up, they would cover the many knots with butter to help them stick. In this case, hair was mostly used as a prop to enhance the image of a fierce warrior and symbolize young men’s arrival into the military lifestyle.
From these Germanic tribes rose the Merovingian Dynasty. These German kings distinguished themselves with their long flowing hair. They began growing it from birth and never cut it, nor was anyone else allowed to cut it. The Merovingians established a hierarchical system based on the length of one’s hair. The king often had hair down his back. Free men who were below the king had hair, but it did not touch their shoulders. Slaves had shaved heads. It was a grave offense to offer a slave a wig so that he could pass for a free man. During this time hair meant that you were a free man, so to forcibly shave someone was a big deal. Kings often used shearing to get rid of political rivals. Many sons, cousins, and nephews were forcibly sheared to keep them out of the way. By cutting their long hair they were reduced in rank and could not claim the throne. Foreign enemies were also sheared as a sign of submission to the Merovingian king.
The tonsure was also another way to get rid of political enemies. The tonsure is the hairstyle of monks, characterized by a ring of hair surrounding a mostly bald head. The tonsure symbolized one’s submission to God and was thought to be a reminder of his “enslavement” to God (Dutton 14). While many monks chose to be tonsured, many members of the royal or aristocratic families were tonsured against their will. This was far more drastic than cutting the hair short because it forced people into the monastery. Many of the Merovingian king’s sons were often tonsured and sent to the monastery to avoid a struggle for the throne. However, some of the royal family actually chose to be tonsured. Chlodovald (also known as Saint Cloud), the grandson of King Childebert I famously gave up his claim for power by entering the church (Dutton 15). Later Carloman, Pepin’s brother, also gave up his kingdom as well.
It is clear that the Merovingians viewed hair as a symbol of power and rank. To them, the ultimate humiliation was losing their hair. However, many who were shorn hid away in a monastery or small town and simply waited for their hair to grow back. This worked for some, like the merchant Euphronius and Theuderic III. However stories tell of others who weren’t so lucky. Chararic, the Salian king, and his son were captured by Clovis I and were tonsured. However they openly defied him by threatening to grow their hair back and return to power. Upon hearing this Clovis had their heads chopped off. He was forced by their defiance to choose the more permanent solution (Dutton 13).
Eventually the Merovingians were deposed by the mayors of the palace. Ironically, Pepin the Short followed the Merovingian tradition by having King Childeric III sheared and put into a monastery. What better way to show your power by taking it the way the old regime did. Einhard portrays the Merovingians as a figureheads who did nothing but sit on their throne growing their hair. He felt the Carolingians had a right to depose the old monarchs and take power.
Unlike the Merovingian kings with their long flowing curls, the Carolingians kept their hair short and only in some cases did they grow short beards on their faces. This is considered a reaction to the long hair that the Merovingians prided themselves for. Charlemagne in particular is only described as having short hair and a mustache. The short hair was a very roman style, and it went along with the other Roman elements that he was trying to bring back to his empire. Religion also played a role in the transition from long hair to short because long hair represented the pagan Germanic style, whereas short hair was more Christian.
During the Carolingian period, hair began to lose its significance in the royal household. Short hair was simply more Christian and Roman; it was not used to define a free man or a man of rank. The practices of shearing and tonsuring one’s enemies had mostly disappeared, though Charlemagne and Louis the Pious did use it occasionally to get rid of their rivals as the Merovingians did. Overall, rather than focusing on hair, Charlemagne focused on bringing the empire together and reorganizing the education and monastic systems.
One distinguishing feature about the Carolingians was that many wore mustaches. Charlemagne, Louis the Pious, Lothar, and Charles the Bald were all at some point depicted with mustaches. This was the new dominant royal hairstyle. They could not grow their beards or their hair, because that would be too reminiscent of the old regime. It is thought that Charlemagne may have mimicked the mustache of Theoderic the Great, a Roman Emperor whom he admired.
| By the end of the Carolingian period, hair had lost much of the symbolism and power it had had. Hair had gone from big knots piled on top of one’s head, to long flowing curls, to short and defiant. The only hairstyle that had lasted was the tonsure of the monks. The bald head with a ring of hair around it stayed significant and unchanging throughout both the Merovingian and Carolingian periods.

Works Cited

Fanning, William. "Tonsure." The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 14. New York: Robert
Appleton Company, 1912. 30 Jun. 2008

Dutton, Paul M. Charlemagne's Mustache. Palgrave MacMillan, 2004. 1-42.

Einhard: The Life of Charlemagne, translated by Samuel Epes Turner, (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1880)

Tacitus: The Agricola and Germania, A. J. Church and W. J. Brodribb, trans., (London: Macmillan, 1877), pp. 87ff

Medieval Tatoo by Corey Ross

Medieval Tattoo
Corinna Ross

When examining the tradition of tattooing, one finds very little specific information on the medieval European tradition. Most tattooing of the early 5th century can be traced to one of two traditions: pagan tribal or Roman slavery. It is not until the late 8th century when devotional tattooing becomes a notable form and none of these forms resembles the form of “fashion” which tattooing has taken in today’s popular culture.

In speaking of a pagan tradition at this time, there are many cultures to which one might turn, but here it is referring to the ‘Northmen’: the Anglo-Saxons and/or the Celtic traditions and perhaps Viking in the later Medieval era. One term commonly used for the pagan inking is the Latin ‘picti’ which means painted. Tattooing was heavily used as a symbol of status among the warrior class and its defensive impact by making them appear more ferocious and imposing in battle. The subsequent generations of these tribal tattoos have become some of the most popular in today’s tattoo culture, with its intricate knotting and its appealing designs; it has remained through the ages.

Another class frequenting these types of markings in the pagan custom is the sage, the other ‘nobility’, for the educated could communicate their oral traditions and translate them through images –a different language. One example is in an Irish legend of Túán, which has been “alive for centuries” but the stories have been “passed down to them is conflated with the literal inscribing of the story” (Caplan, p.41), this does not necessarily mean that these stories were always tattooed on an individual but also refers to the use of vellum inscriptions, however the storytelling is an important part of many of the cultural tattoos of this region and of the artwork which is seen in many of the later manuscripts. This can also be seen as a direct tie from the skin of man to the skin of an animal and, hence, to some of the very earliest manuscripts produced using vellum. These were all voluntary markings and they were brandished proudly. There is strong reason to believe, as noted by a contributor in Caplan, that these ‘picti’ may have been used to share cultural history and pass the wisdom of the tribes, as the legend of Túán implies.

The Roman slaves, on the other hand, were involuntarily marked with a letter or shortened word on the forehead; a letter referring to their crimes, i.e. ‘fur’ meaning ‘thief’, this was originally done to identify escaped slaves and became common to both criminals being sent to the mines and even those who had been sentenced to death. The placement of the tattoos was very important. Aside from being a particularly painful process and location for the ‘stigmata’, the forehead is also clearly visible to anyone passing: difficult to hide, difficult to escape and stands as a constant reminder to the individual themselves when they look upon their own reflection. The punishment seeps into their very soul in this manner and they are constantly identified with their label or ‘stigmata’. It also seems that the marking of the skin was believed to be visible in the afterlife at this time and criminals could carry this marking with them to the world which awaited beyond. During this time and in this reign, one of the most frequently punished crimes was that of being Christian. There is a late reference in Roman laws allowing criminals to be marked on their hands or feet. Both of these locations are still highly painful and regionally difficult to hide (Roman sandals and traditional dress leaving both exposed and visible).

However, as the Roman Empire dwindled and Christianity expanded, there a new movement in tattooing, that of memorializing and commemoration. The movement from the forehead to other locations in Roman tradition is important to the development of other traditions, especially among Christian tattooing during this era and the next several generations. During the Early Medieval period, Christianity becomes increasingly popular and some of these more dedicated Christians begin to tattoo themselves with the same markings with which their Christian-slave predecessors had been marked. Monastics are also noted with tattoos similar to those believed to be referenced in the bible:

In the book of Revelation, a work replete with mentions of marks and seals both positive and negative, John, writing near the end of the first century, describes a vision of a martial Christ as ‘the Word of God’, leading the armies of heaven:’And he has on his cloak and on his thigh the name inscribed: “King of kings and Lord of lords”…. One of these, a monk named Clemantianus, was found ‘having [the words] written on his thigh: “Mani, the disciple of Jesus Christ”’. (Caplan, p.29)

However, in 786-7 A.D., Pope Hadrian I and the Council of Northumberland denounce and forbid tattooing throughout the Empire if it is in the pagan tradition of tattooing which was considered ‘diabolical.’ It does allow, even considers religious or spiritual tattoos worthy of having, them as a deep expression of one’s devotion to God. This practice persists within monastic life for centuries—whether it was accepted and through the later period when it was not by some of the church leaders including today when it is generally not approved.

Christian tattooing also had a great increase during the Crusade with the soldiers participating and commemorating their journey to Jerusalem as well as the increasing popularity of the pilgrimage. Many returned home from Jerusalem with Coptic tattoos, perhaps similar to those which persist even today due to woodblocks which can be dated to at least as early at the 18th century. These designs are usually representative of the particular mission or pilgrimage and have location specifications based on design chosen and the age and gender of the recipient.


If one looks at early manuscripts such as the Book of Kells and compares it to the knot-work that is seen in many of the pagan Celtic tattoing, one can imagine that these Middle Aged Christian tattoos would begin closely echoing some of their Anglo-Saxon predecessors, as did much of the manuscripting of the era. This may be especially true since those tattoos which were ‘approved’ by the church were being marked on its most devout monastics, some of the very same that were-daily- copying the Celtic scrolls and patterning and designs into their lovely books.



Drawi Celtic Cross Rendering An example of an Insular-style animal pattern from the Book of Kells

It may be important to note that there is no mention of pagans halting their traditional practices of tattooing unless Christian conversions directly affected the regions. While Christian tattooing comes and goes underground and resurfaces, there is a consistency of existence among research within the pagan cultures of this practice. The causes may vary between a cultural defense mechanism to storytelling, it remains in practice. Civilized tattooing seems to definitely migrate in and out of practice and favor, just as it did for the Greeks and Romans.

There is another practice which has not, thus far, been mentioned and that is the practice of medicinal or magical tattooing, which may have some relation to the medieval period. However, not much research has been established in this vein. Based on other cultural regions at this time and even much earlier, one might deduce that some forms of tattooing—perhaps especially amongst women, which are little mentioned in European history—might have participated in this form of tattooing for the health of themselves, their husbands, and their children as so many women of other cultures did, including South and North American, Pacific Islanders, African, and Arab.

The reasons for tattooing will always vary from person to person, from culture to culture. The acceptance of tattooing will probably always differ for the same reasons, but in the Middle Ages, tattooing did exist throughout Europe and it did persist, whether it was fashionable or not and most of it can be seen in some of today’s tattoo generation in some small way. Most importantly, tattooing is able to tell a different part of the story of an everyday people for a period which only limited facts are thus far known. It is able to express depth of faith, depth of persecution, tribal stories and status symbols (this is a jewelry that cannot be taken off) and a level of belonging—to a faith, to a people, to a region.



Images dated 400 A.D. (Tribal Tattoos Through History)
http://www.vanishingtattoo.com/400adpicts.htm

http://www.vanishingtattoo.com/images/tattoo_2/400adpict.gif


Bibliography:

Caplan, Jane. Written on the Body: The Tattoo in European and American History. New Jersey: Princeton University Press. 2000. pps 17-45.

Celtic Cross History and Symbolism, Stephen Walker. April 17, 1996. < http://www.celtarts.com/celtic.htm>

The Christian Coptic Orthodox Church of Egypt. 1992-2001. Copt-Net.

Gilbert, Steve. Tattoo History: A Sourcebook, New York: Juno Books, LLC, 2000. pps.149-156.

Jones, C.P. “Stigma: Tattooing and Branding in Graeco-Roman Antiquity.” The Journal of Roman Studies, vol. 77, 1987. pps 139-155.

The Poor Blogger. Saturday, January 07, 2006. < http://poor-blogger.blogspot.com/2006/01/coptic-christian-tattoos.html>

Tattoo Symbol. 2002-2007. Terisa Green, PhD. < http://www.tattoosymbol.com/christian/christian1.html> and < http://www.tattoosymbol.com/christian/christian2.html>

Ancient Celtic Art vs. Medieval Celtic Art. 2007. WP Ancient-Celts.com
< http://images.google.com/imgres?imgurl=http://ancient-celts.com/ChiRhoDetail.jpg&imgrefurl=http://ancient-celts.com/AncientVsMedievalArt6.html&h=496&w=487&sz=248&hl=en&start=71&um=1&tbnid=0aMJ_tDTCkIDzM:&tbnh=130&tbnw=128&prev=/images%3Fq%3Dceltic%2Bcross,%2B%2522book%2Bof%2Bkells%2522%26start%3D54%26ndsp%3D18%26um%3D1%26hl%3Den%26sa%3DN>

Tribal Tattoos Through History. 1999-2007. Vanishing Tattoo.

Loathar I by Sean Adams

Lothar I
Lothar I was born in the year 795 and passed away in the year 855. He was the grandson of Charlemagne and the son of Louis the Pious. His childhood is rather unknown due to the lack of sources written about young Lothar. However, being a member of a royal bloodline meant that he must have had a rather easy and privileged childhood with no responsibilities. He probably heard stories from his grandfather about the old days of Germanic tribes and their native language. He must have also been schooled in Latin both the language and the written word. He would have eaten the best food and worn the most elaborate clothing made of silk and jewelry and golden trinkets. However, what is commonly accepted by most researchers, is the belief that he was an active member within the court of his grandfather, Charlemagne. This, of course, would have given first hand knowledge of being a ruler and an emperor. It could also explain his future actions of treachery and lust and hunger for power.
His adult life is better understood and in 821 he married a beautiful woman by the name of Irmengarde who was the daughter of Hugo, Count of Tours. This marriage, like all marriages within nobility, was more than likely arranged to gain wealth, land, and prestige, rather than two people meeting and falling in love. This would solidify his father’s reign by uniting Hugo within his own bloodline, thus insuring allegiance and soldiers whenever needed. He had three sons, Louis II, who was the oldest, Lothar II and Charles, all of whom would carry on the bloodline and reign of the Carolingians.
Lothar’s adult life was also blessed because he was the oldest son and this would come to benefit him quite well. He lusted for power of his own, even though he had been crowned co- emperor by his father. He led a revolt against his father and ruled for about a year until his father regained power. Then, on his death bed, Louis the Pious divided his lands evenly among his sons. Louis even included Charles, his step son from his marriage with Judith, (who had fought for her son to be recognized as a legitimate heir to be worthy of receiving part of the vast kingdom) in his decision. Louis did not want any fighting or insurrection, like what Lothar had done to him.
Lothar I inherited not only land, Italy and many others, but also the title of being crowned emperor and received the royal insignia proving this. In April 823 he was crowned emperor by the pope Paschal I, in order to give legitimacy to his reign as emperor like all the emperors before him. This, of course, gave him reign over the Western region, but there was still an Eastern emperor. Lothar became greedy with power and he soon wanted all the lands for himself. He had seen his grandfather’s reign firsthand and his vast empire and great power and he wanted the same.
His brothers Charles and Louis II decided it was time to lead a revolt against Lothar rather then lose their inheritance and have one man being emperor again. They remembered that he had led a revolt against their father in his lust for power. They became fearful of the possibility of their own deaths because Lothar I would not want anyone challenging his authority. In 842 they made a pledge together to reinstate the order and dream of peace among the sons that their father had wanted when he divided the lands as one of his last acts.
. The brothers fought Lothar I on June 25th of 842 at Fontenoy. Lothar’s men were instructed to take as much gold and valuables as possible before retreating from his brother’s combined armies. He was defeated but not totally powerless. Nevertheless the defeat showed him that the combined forces of his brothers was too overwhelming and would mean certain demise for him. So in 843 he decided it was best to make peace, rather than being completely stripped of his power. In the Treaty of Verdun he did just that. He retained power within Italy and Belgium and the Netherlands down the Rhine River to Switzerland and his brothers divided the rest amongst themselves. He would reside mainly in Italy and would not cause any more insurrections worthy of his brothers fighting him again and making any more treaties.
He remained in power until 855 when he became ill. Knowing that he had not long for this world he divided his lands among his 3 sons and joined the monastic order. He entered the monastery of Prum and died six days later.
Thus was the life of Lothar I, son of Louis the Pious, and grandson of Charlemagne. When researching this paper I found mainly the same basic information about Lothar I, his life, his rule, and the end of his life. I found that Lothar seemed like a treacherous man who was full of greed and power hungry. This can be seen when he lead a revolt against his own father because he wanted power immediately rather then waiting until his father’s demise. He decided that he would rather strip Louis the Pious of everything he had inherited and gained on his own rather then spending as much time with his father until his death.
Even after he had gained power and was later stripped of it, his father still gave him and his brothers land and wealth so there would be no fighting. This, of course, was a wise decision because he wished for nothing but peace and prosperity amongst his sons. This was his way of balancing power. Once Lothar was given such a marvelous gift of land, also being named emperor, he would rather keep it himself then to share it with his brothers. I would have guessed that after the insurgence against his father he would be weary of a revolt happening to him but still he put himself in that position. His brothers did go against him and he was on the verge of losing everything so that is when he wanted peace, if not stopped he would have ruled everything until his death.
Only until his impending demise around 855, did his sons and brothers see his humanity and kindness. He divided his land and joined the monastic order to save his soul and be at peace. However, his hunger for power could be explained by his years in Charlemagne’s court. When you are young and impressionable and are within the presence of great man (whom many people would write about, Alcuin being one such notable author), it is hard not to wish that for one’s self. Perhaps if Lothar I would have had someone as wise and as humble as Alcuin, the bishop, within his own inner circle of advisors the insurrection against his father would never have happened. His lust for being as powerful and as noble as his grandfather, the great Charlemagne, was too great and so he was corrupted with a need for power.
Once he had ascertained this power by crowning himself emperor, he quickly saw the errors of his ways when he had enraged and faced the powerful combined forces of his brothers. This is perhaps when he knew that being emperor was too difficult to keep when you do not have the hearts and minds of all those who should be loyal to you.
Either way love him or hate him, Lothar I has his own place in history; he did carry on the Carolingian line that his grandfather had created. He was a great leader because he remained in power even after assaults on his lands by the Normans and Saragens, until his death and change to the monastic order.
There are historical documents written about his reign and life. Of course reading and learning about him makes historians question his motives and thought process for his actions. However, that is all that studying history is, you read the documents and make your own judgments and predictions based on that information in the context of that time period. So he can be seen as both a devil and an angel, which echos in to our world today. Many of us crave power and wish for it at any costs. We soon find that what we wish for may just be our downfall. When you do whatever you can to ascertain such goals, then you make peace and try to live your life as best as you can in order to make up for past mistakes. So in the end, Lothar I’s life was notable and should be studied so we do not make the same mistakes that he had done with his own life.



Bibliography

“History of France.” Historyworld. http://www.historyworld.net/wrldhis/PlainTextHistories.asp?ParagraphID=elt. Accessed on May 27th.

“Lothair I.” Online Encyclopedia. http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/LOB_LUP/LOTHAIR_I.html. Accessed on May 27th.

“ Emperor Lothair I.” Leibnitiana. http://www.gwleibniz.com/britannica_pages/emp_lothair_i/emp_lothair_i.html. Accessed on May 27th.

“The Ordinance of Louis the Pius Division of the Empire of the Year 817.” The Avalon Project at Yale Law School. http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/medieval/verdun.htm. Accessed May 27th.

“Lothair I.” Love To Know Classic Encyclopedia. http://www.1911encyclopedia.org/Lothair_I. Accessed on May 27th.

Early Medieval Music by Dan Russell

Daniel J. Russell
Professor Grotans
MRS 210
30 May 2008

Early Medieval Music

It is sometimes difficult to analyze the music of the early medieval age because the only pieces of evidence that we have to analyze the topic are manuscripts. Not many manuscripts relating to music from that time period are around today because the parchment used for manuscripts was expensive and the process was very time-consuming for scribes. Books were probably more important to the people of the time period, so only wealthy institutions, like the Church and some monasteries, were willing and able to produce the manuscripts for music that we still have today. Both sacred and secular music were preserved through the manuscripts of these institutions.

At the beginning of the medieval ages, notated music was reputed to be monophonic and homo-rhythmic. It appears that there was a unison sung text and there was no notated instrumental support in the beginning. Rhythm was not specified at the beginning of the era, but neumatic notations gave clear phrasing ideas. The simple chant, involving unison voice and natural declamation, was very popular during this time period, but eventually polyphony developed. Harmony, in consonant intervals of perfect fifths, unisons, octaves, (and later, perfect fourths) began to be notated. Rhythmic notation allows for complex interactions between multiple vocal lines in a repeatable fashion.

Many of the instruments that were used in medieval music still exist today, but they are in different forms now. One example is the flute. The flute was made of wood in medieval times, whereas now it is usually made of silver or other metals. The early flute could be played as a side-blown instrument or an end-blown instrument, whereas today the flute is primarily a side-blown instrument. A close relative of the flute is the recorder. The recorder has actually kept its medieval form for the most part. One of the flute's ancestors, the pan flute, was also popular in medieval times. This instrument's pipes were made of wood, and were measured off in length to produce different pitches.

Along with the wind instruments discussed above, medieval music also consisted of many plucked string instruments. Such instruments included the lute, mandora, gittern, and psaltery. The dulcimers, similar in structure to the psaltery and zither, were originally plucked instruments as well, but in the 14th century they became struck instruments with metal strings. Instruments without sound boxes, such as the Jew’s harp, were also popular in the time. Early versions of the organ, fiddle, and the trombone were also in existence.

The Gregorian Chant was developed in Charlemagne's Frankish kingdom, which encompassed modern France, Switzerland and Germany. Little is known about Church singing used in these areas before medieval times because no modern Western system of music writing had yet been invented. Charlemagne wanted the music of the Church in his kingdom to be sung like it was sung in Rome. Without written music, it was difficult for Charlemagne to get what he wanted because the music had to be learned orally, as a folk music tradition. The Frankish chant is thought to have received the name "Gregorian," after Pope Gregory, in order to give it greater authority and to ease its reception in the Frankish Kingdom. As stated earlier, not many manuscript have survived that give good detail of medieval music. This is also the case for the Gregorian Chant. There are no surviving book containing complete written repertories of the chant with music from the tenth century, but there are books from the eleventh century. Some of the earlier notations give rhythmic details, but most do not give exact pitches, so they may be interpreted in many different ways today. Pitch-defined manuscripts began to appear in the eleventh century and were well-established by the twelfth. In these, the pitches can be read without knowledge of the oral tradition, but the rhythmic details cease to be recorded.

Christianity was a dominant part of medieval culture, so an entire musical style developed just to support it. Sacred music was therefore set to the text of the Bible or at least inspired by it. This meant it was necessary for composers of sacred music to have some sort of education, a rare commodity in those days. For those who did not have the musical training and Biblical literacy needed for composing sacred music, there was the less-sophisticated realm of secular music.

The goals of sacred and secular early medieval composers were originally different. The sacred composers sought to set the Bible to music and to bring a more “heavenly” aspect to church than could be obtained by simply reading the Bible. Sacred music was originally composed to pay homage to God. Secular music, on the other hand, was composed solely for its entertainment value, whether for dance or to express love. In the early medieval times, sacred composers were formally trained in music and secular composers were usually not. So not only did the two forms of music serve different purposes, they also represented a musical separation in society between the formally trained and the untrained, or even the rich and the poor.

Even to this day this type of division still exists between those formally trained in music and those who are not. Today, however, those formally trained do not usually write sacred music, but rather what is now called “classical” music. The “commoners” of today listen to folk, rock, country, or some other type of relatively “simple” form of music, i.e., pop music. In essence, though, music has evolved from the medieval times. It is still split into those who are formally trained and those who are not. The difference is that today the division between the trained and untrained is not delineated by religion, but usually by access to a university or other formal musical education program.

As stated earlier, medieval secular music was usually passed along orally and very rarely written down, so little has survived. In fact, this is true of most folk music until the last century. Medieval musicians and composers did not feel the need to stamp the works they wrote down with their name, which would be unthinkable for any modern artist. So part of what secular music has survived from the Middle Ages is often anonymous. Often, at best, music scholars have pinned down the style of a piece to several composers and to within a decade or two.

Those who know a bit about medieval music usually think of the troubadors, trouveres, and minnesingers when they think of secular music. All were different names for essentially the same type of musician found in the medieval period throughout Europe. Troubadors were found in southern France and northern Italy, trouveres in central and northern France, and minnesingers in Germany. Troubadors, trouveres, minnesingers were usually poets first, and the music was most likely originally used just as accompaniment. The estampie, an instrumental music which was most likely used for dance, is another common form of secular medieval music. There were also medieval dramas, predecessors of the opera. The primary focus of the medieval drama was not the music, but the acting. Since secular music’s purpose was for entertainment, there was little drive to push its style to the edges during the early medieval times. Therefore, it was from sacred music, where the inspiration to please God was present, that medieval music truly evolved.

Works Cited

Fenlon, Iain. Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe : Patronage, Sources, and Texts. Cambridge [Eng.]; New York: Cambridge UP, 1981.

Hoppin, Richard H. Medieval Music. New York: W. W. Norton, 1978.

Laughlin, Donalda. Developing Basic Musicianship Through the Study of Medieval and Early Renaissance Music. Los Angeles, 1967.

Page, Christopher, ed. Music and Instruments of the Middle Ages : Studies on Texts and Performance. Aldershot, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt.: Variorum, 1997.

Parrish, Carl. The Notation of Medieval Music. London: Faber & Faber, 1957.

Reese, Gustave. Music in the Middle Ages. New York: W. W. Norton, 1940.

Seay, Albert. Music in the Medieval World. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1965.

The Carolingian Soldier

Training for the Carolingian Soldier
By: Jeremy Profitt

The training of a soldier is among the most important aspects of maintaining a kingdom, because when war erupts it is up to the soldiers to defend the lands. This is why professional soldiers trained full-time, so as to meet the challenges on any battlefield and bring glory to their lands. Although recruits may come from any walk of life, once they stepped onto that battlefield only their specialized training could determine their fates.

The most common Carolingian Soldier (milites) was the infantryman. Although other tribes at that time preferred to use cavalry as their main force, the Franks showed their strength with infantry. Each of these soldiers would be equipped with, at least, a sword and a shield. Body armor was not common amongst foot soldiers because it simply cost too much to produce for that many men. The common sword in early Carolingian times was the short sword (sax), which measured about 65-80 cm in length and was used primarily for thrusting, as opposed to slashing. This would be replaced a couple of centuries later with a longer sword, about 90-100 cm, that gradually tapers to a point along the entire length of the sword. This tapering caused the center of gravity to be fixed closer to the pommel of the sword, allowing for quicker movements, which was one of the main benefits of the shorter sword. This was the reason for the eventual replacement of the short sword. The shield used by the common foot soldier was round, wooden, and approximately 80 cm in diameter. It was held in their left hands and could be swung over to the soldier’s back to protect them during retreat. These soldiers could have also carried various other weapons, depending on their preference. One common weapon that was famed by the Franks was a small axe type weapon called a francisca. This axe was used more as a throwing axe than for hand-to-hand combat. It could be hurled at the opposite battle line right before the lines met to disrupt the enemy’s charge. The soldiers were also familiar with the javelin which, like the francisca, could be thrown from a distance or be used in close combat (although not as common). The bow-and-arrow and the sling were other possible additions to the foot soldier’s equipment. Although most infantrymen were not trained in archery or “slinging”, most were more than competent in these skills because of their practical uses in hunting. The bow could me slung around the back side of the soldier, and the quiver (which usually held 12 arrows) would be hung on his hip. The sling could be held at the hip as well and many different projectiles could be used with it.

Equipment was not enough for a soldier to go to war however. These men were trained daily in order to execute vital maneuvers that would help them on the battlefield. The most basic of these skills was the march. The men would need to be lined up and while keeping order, march the length of a battlefield. Usually the march was at a slow pace, but with enough practice the men could keep their formations while running. This cohesion was very critical when attacking an enemy, because any flaw in the battle lines could be a vulnerable point that the enemy might exploit. The most crucial of the foot soldiers’ skills, however, was the forming of a phalanx. The Carolingian infantry phalanx is not the typical “hedgehog” phalanx that one may think of, with the shields up and the long spears sticking out to face the enemy. In fact, this was hardly used, and only against cavalry, since horses were known to turn away from a wall of spears and often losing their riders in the process. The Carolingian phalanx was used defensively on the battlefield and took advantage of the short, thrusting sword that the infantrymen used. To train for this type of defensive maneuver, the soldiers would set up a “quintain,” which was basically a large (about 6 feet) wooden pole planted in the ground, and practice their drills against it. This type of drill was used by new recruits as well as older, veteran soldiers. The soldiers would approach the quintain with a large wooden shield and club which weighed much more than the actual sword and shield. This obviously strengthened the soldier and allowed for much quicker movements when it came to using the real equipment. The soldier would then practice by stabbing at the target, first at the face and head, then at the stomach and legs. Stabbing and thrusting were much more effective against an enemy than the commonly perceived slashing attack. Using the sword as a thrusting weapon had many benefits over slashing. Perhaps most importantly, it could penetrate armor much more readily than slashing. It is also more accurate and can be done in close quarters with friendly units right next to each other; as was the case in the phalanx formation. The soldiers would practice many different exercises that could be used in a battle. They would jump toward, away, and side to side the quintain, thrusting at it the entire time. They would have to do all of this while maintaining a strong formation with the men around them. It is common for the formation to drift to the sword side (right side – left handed men were taught to use their swords with their right hands), and so it is important to keep your position so that you don’t inevitably give up an opening when you’re in an actual battle. This takes much practice and dedication to perfect, and contrary to the popular saying “practice makes perfect,” these soldiers believed more in the mindset of “perfect practice makes perfect.”

Although originally used only to protect the king, the horsed soldier eventually became the predominate unit in the army. These soldiers were often from wealthier backgrounds since they were able to afford better swords and much more armor. Some were even clothed in full scale armor, including greaves, gauntlets, and armguards. These men, also, typically needed training from a very young age, which could normally only be done by wealthy nobles. The training, however, was not at all soft and luxurious, and these men were typically the best of the best when it came to battle. They were expected to be able to fight while riding the horse, then dismount and defend themselves in hand-to-hand combat, and also mount the horse again while encumbered with their armor and weapons and continue fighting. The practice of mounting and dismounting was well respected by other tribes at that time. To practice mounting/dismounting the soldier would first do it with no armor on at all, and once he was competent at this, he would slowly progress by adding more and more armor until he was fully capable of mounting/dismounting the horse in full armor from any direction (from either side of the horse, and even from the back or the head). This allowed the soldier to jump down from the horse, engage the enemy, and even form up a phalanx with the rest of the troops; then he could mount the horse again and continue to battle from horseback. Attacking from horseback was obviously another factor in the cavalry training. To practice this they would line up in two groups facing each other, beginning about 100 meters apart, and then they would charge at each other while staying in perfect lines (shoulder to shoulder, knee to knee) with heavy wooden poles. Right before they met each other at a full charge, one of the forces, at a signal, would suddenly turn completely around and feign a retreat. They would turn their horses and fling their shields to their backs to protect them during their retreat. Then suddenly they would turn their horses again and engage with the pursuing army. This feigned retreat was practiced to perfection so as to undermine an enemy phalanx.

Other forms of training were available, too, from spear throwing, to archery, and maybe even “slinging.” Spear throwing was very important because it was probably the most used weapon at the time since it could be thrown or used in hand-to-hand combat. To practice this, the soldier set up a quintain and practiced hitting it from a distance with a heavy, wooden, spear shaped pole. This extra weight, again, allowed for the soldier to throw the actual spear with more strength when in a battle situation. Although some soldiers were experts at spear throwing, and could take down a particular unit, sometimes armies use a hail of spears to disrupt an engaging enemy. Archers were trained similarly to the spear throwers, where they set up a quintain and practiced shooting it. Many soldiers were already quite efficient in archery, however, because they used the bow and arrow as a means for hunting. This is the same for soldiers using a sling. Although it’s not recorded that they actually practiced the sling, it was a very effective weapon (especially in rocky terrain with a surplus of “ammo”), and was quite lethal in the right hands. Many soldiers that used to be shepherds (they used slings to fend of wolves and other threats) were incredible shots with a sling, and could hit vital points on an opposing soldier’s body (i.e. David and Goliath). All of these ranged weapons were of great use in a battle, and so were practiced by almost all the soldiers. This allowed for military flexibility and thus better military tactics that helped ensure victory on the battlefield.

The life of a Carolingian soldier was not a glamorous one, but without these highly trained professionals, the Carolingian empire would not have existed. Because of these men’s dedication to their training and to their country they would be looked at as heroes for centuries to come.

Bibliography

Coupland, Simon. "Carolingian Arms and Armor in the Ninth Century." 7 May 2008 (http://www.deremilitari.org/resources/articles/coupland.htm).

Oman, Charles W. "Charles William Chadwick Oman, John H. Beeler." The Art of War in the Middle Ages (1960): 15-30.

"Medieval Warfare." Wikipedia. 26 May 2008 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Medieval_warfare).

The Vespers of St. Charlemagne by Fr. Augustine

The Vespers of St. Charlemagne

By Fr. Augustine

Introduction

(Note: A video will soon be posted of this Vespers celebration - the following explanation is designed to explain the origins of the service and its celebration. A full print-out of the service, with rubrics, follows.)

Charlemagne, upon his death, was highly revered by his countrymen. This reverence took on the proportions of sanctity, and Charles was canonized locally by the Frankish Church. While at a later period (1170 A.D.) canonizations came to be reserved to the Holy See, at the time the Frankish Church was entirely within its rights to perform a local glorification of a saint. The Orthodox Church still follows this method of canonizations – and, since the Frankish Church conducted this canonization before the Schism between East and West, there is no reason for Orthodox Christianity to reject his canonization – although the figure of Charlemagne is still a figure of controversy and prejudice in Eastern Orthodox circles.

Nevertheless, this is how it has come to pass, that a small group of Orthodox monks assisted me in the celebration of the Vespers of Blessed Charlemagne. Some slight introduction to the format used for this celebration of Vespers, and some brief commentary upon the texts' portrayal of Charlemagne's sanctity, may prove helpful to those reading and/or viewing the celebration.

In the first place, the service books of the Church are comprised of two great "types" of texts: first, the "Ordo" texts, which set down the base form, or foundation, of the service; there then remains the "Proper," which comprises the varying texts that are interpolated into the Ordo to make the service specific to a certain feast day or day of the week. Generally speaking, the words “Ordo” and “Proper” refer to the Mass and its texts – but the same principle applies here. For example: normally there is a set form that the service of Vespers takes on a Friday in Paschaltide (the day of this Vespers celebration). However, the feast of Charlemagne has a very full Proper, which changes all the antiphons for that day, adds a Prolix Responsory and changes the Hymn with its versicle and responsory. Of course, the “oratio” (prayer) at the main commemoration is specific to Charlemagne, as well. This results in a service, which retains certain elements of the weekday Ordo (namely, the Psalms employed and the basic format of the service), but is heavily specified for St. Charlemagne in almost all of its variable parts.

The Ordo I have chosen to use, is that of the Sarum Cathedral Office. This choice was made for several reasons. In the first place, I am not in possession of the Ordo texts from the Aachen Breviary (whence most of my Proper derives). But, there are positive reasons for the choice as well. First, the Sarum texts have been blessed and used in the Orthodox Church before, whereas no competent ecclesiastical authority has examined the service books of Aachen and ruled on their suitability for Orthodox worship; therefore, I use the Sarum texts because of their blessedness, beauty, accuracy and refined piety.

Also, the English Church (of which Sarum is an important See) preserves an interesting blend of Gallican and Roman customs, since St. Augustine of Canterbury found Gallican-influenced liturgy already present in England when he and his missionaries arrived, and may have introduced yet more elements after their own travels through Gaul. This was formally blessed and encouraged by Pope St. Gregory the Great in his correspondence with St. Austin of Kent (aka Augustine of Canterbury), as recorded by that felicitous Master and Doctor, the Venerable Bede. When it comes to the Divine Office (as well as the Mass), it is hardly possible to reconstruct the forms of worship used in Charlemagne's empire in any realy fulness. It is very possible, however, that the customs and piety of the English Church from the 12th century (whence the Sarum books that I have used derive) actually preserve more particulars of the piety and ceremonial of the early Frankish Church than the more Romanized piety and ethos of 14th and 15th century Aachen Breviary (whence my Proper derives). This is especially true of the chant repertoire – which is richer and more elaborate in English chant, after the Gallican style, than in the Roman.

Lastly, the Aachen Breviary reflects a Cathedral Usage, as opposed to a monastic usage. A Cathedral usage (usually) calls for five psalms at Vespers; those familiar with Latin liturgy will know that the rule of St. Benedict calls for a different number. The Aachen and Sarum use, therefore, each call for the same number of psalms and antiphons, and are thus a good fit for one another.

For the Proper, I have consulted with the Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, compiled by Guido M. Dreves. Therein, he compiles the musical portion of Charlemagne’s service, forming a critical edition, from a multitude of service books. The bulk of the service is taken from the Antiphonarium Aquisgranense (Aachen Antiphoner), but many books from other monasteries and cities (Coloniensis, Garstensis, Gerundensis, Ebersburgensis, Emmeramensis, Lubicensis, Francofurtensis, many Cistercian/monastic books and many others) are criticially compared. Because the Analecta Hymnica is concerned with the musical portions of the service, the Versicle and Responsory on the hymn, together with the Chapter following the Psalms, are absent. I have supplied these from the Breviary of Noyons.

The Proper for Charlemagne's Feast (January 28th, or "IV Kalends Februarii"), indicates that the feast was some class of “Double Feast” in Aachen. This is so, because the Proper gives a Prolix Responsory at both the First and Second Vespers of Charlemagne – the presence of two such responsories (and the doubling of the Antiphon upon the Magnificat) is the origin of the name “Double Feast.” Not having the Aachen Cathedral Kalendar from this period, I cannot say specifically what rank the feast had. We can make an educated guess, however.

These are the four ranks of Double Feasts

The Double Feasts (so called because the Antiphon on the Magnificat is doubled):
Principal - The greatest feasts: Easter, Christmas, etc.
Greater - Great feasts: Purification (Candlemas), Trinity Sunday, etc.
Lesser - Major Saints, Apostles, Prophets: St. John Baptist, All Saints, Michaelmas, etc.
Inferior - Important Saints, many Apostles' feasts, Ss. Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, etc.

One would not want to rule out the enthusiasm of Aachen's faithful - it is possible that they numbered Charlemagne's feast amongst the top two or three ranks of feasts; it is far more likely, however, that Charlemagne's feast was ranked amongst the Inferior Doubles. The Principal Doubles tended to have their readings diminished (employing only one Nocturne), as a part of the festivities; that at least, argues against the highest rank - combined with the impiety of numbering Charlemagne's feast day amongst the great days like Christmas, Pentecost and Easter!

Whatever rank it held in Aachen, when the feast was celebrated in other localities, its rank was highly variable. For example, St. Austin of Canterbury is an Inferior Double in England. But, it is unlikely that his feast was celebrated in Aachen at all. So, I have made the informed decision to celebrate Charlemagne's feast in Columbus as an Inferior Double; I believe this is the most probable ranking, anyway.

A feast of this rank impacts upon the more-or-less unchanging Ordo of the service. The "preces" - the reading of psalm 50 accompanied by "little capitularies" and a collect - would be omitted. Also, Vespers in the Sarum Usage could be tri-partite (or even quatri-partite), consisting of Vespers of the Day, of the Virgin, of the Dead, and of All Hallows. An Inferior Double calls for omission of all these - although most would be omitted anyway, seeing as the celebration takes place in Paschaltide according to the Orthodox Calendar. Paschaltide is the time between Pascha (Easter) and Pentecost.

On most Saturdays - a day especially consecrated to Our Lady - the Office of the Blessed Virgin is done fully, in Choir, following the daily Office. There is an exception to this rule, however, whereby this full service of the Blessed Virgin is not observed on any Ember Saturday or any Feast with "ruling of the choir." In those cases, the full service is observed on the prior day, and is omitted on the Feast itself. Because this is an Inferior Double Feast, it is a feast with "ruling of the choir," and thus the Little Vespers of the Virgin are not done in this celebration.

That completes the rather dry explanation of the service’ form. A very brief characterization of the service’ portrayal of Charlemagne is appropriate.

The services have a multi-dimensional appreciation for Charlemagne: as a saint in the broadest sense, as a righteous conqueror, and as a giver of the divine law. Some of the antiphons would be equally applicable to most other saints, emphasizing a holiness of personal life and a right ordering of his energies. But some are yet broader and more generic, seemingly appropriate to all classes of saints. At the Invitatory of Matins, this antiphon was repeated many times:

Humbly God implore
With devotion pure,
Who o'er the stars above
Raised Charles, whom He loved.

And this antiphon from the first Nocturne of Matins could just as easily be sung of St. Benedict:

By shores of hallowed brooks,
Firmly did Charles take root;
And as the flowers of spring
His fragrance forth did bring.

Yet, the particular aspects of Charlemagne's life are also celebrated. Some of these focus on his Christian upbringing from youth (as opposed to the still-common experience of converting into the Faith), such as a short one from Vespers,

Brought up in the sweentess
Of the Angelic cult,
When he was raised to high office,
Charles was fed on Bread from heaven.

Or another from Matins, which speaks of how Charlemagne was already wise and mature from an early age.

Jewel of Franks, O Charles,
Boy bearing an aged heart!
While yet a new pupil of the human lot
But in nowise acting childishly,
You spurned the world and were wary of wealth
Whilst following Christ, whom you loved.
Verse: Pressing to his breast the justice of the Divine Law,
He offered himself to God as a pleasant sacrifice.

In this antiphon, we see that he is revered as a cultor of the divine law. This sentiment is echoed in other places, as in the Antiphon upon the Magnificat, where Charles is called a "rule of virtue" and "highway of justice."

He is also celebrated as a righteous warrior and conqueror - especially as one who liberates Christians or brings about the conversion of Pagans. The Vespers Hymn celebrates him almost as another Christ, saying

O king, subduer of the world,
And emperor over the kings of Earth.
Of your flock, of this our throng,
Piously hear the pious tears.

At whose prayer death is fled away,
Life is given and languor fails,
Who from the rock make water to flow
And cleanse the nations in baptism.

One of the most interesting antiphons relates his violently pious exploits at Pamplona.

By the flowing prayer of his righteous mind
The walls of Pamplona were ruined.
The conqueror, in spurning the wretched cult [of Islam],
Has the survivors for his friends.
V:Mightier than the lion,
But meeker than the lamb;
He caused foreign hosts in baptism
To be reborn for Christ.

The texts also want to emphasize the universal acclaim (and one can infer therefrom, the legitimacy) of his rule:

With Frankia demanding it
And the Curia applauding it
WIth a royal sceptre beautified
And above all others lifted high
God esteemed him worthy
Of the royal glory.
V: A champion o'er the vices in the fray,
By Leo's hand the Emperor is made.

Perhaps the third Responsory from Matins best combines all of these themes:

As a Caesar supported
By earthly power's sword
So with justice of law
He galloped through his course
To win for himself the prize
Of glory and salvation.
Verse: Struggling manfully,
And faithfully bearing all things.

The hymnographer was at times very inventive and clever. It is a shame that his thoughts can hardly be preserved in translation. For example, the Antiphon ad Magnificat hails Charlemagne as

Terror hostiis, Hostia Victis
("Terror to foreign armies, Yet a sacrificial victim unto those conquered.")

In the Latin, obviously, the thought is more concise and also a bit "punny." The hymnographer is talented at drawing upon similar sounds, and playing off of various connotations with words and phrases. Perhaps the most charming example is the verse of the second Matins Responsory:

Vitiorum Triumphator
In Agone
Consecratur Imperator
A Leone.

Here the author sets forth the image of Charlemagne struggling "in agone," which would have unfailingly brought to mind the struggles of Christian martyrs in the arena (this word and phraseology is frequently used for such a purpose). This tends to also bring "lions" to mind. Here, the author embellishes upon the theme that those who torture the martyrs are in fact their greatest friends, since all the torments they inflict are actually crowns and ornaments upon the soon-to-be Saint in Glory. So, the lion (leone) crowns the martyr rather than eating him. Or, perhaps, crowns the martyr by eating him. But the lion in this antiphon also refers to another "Leo" altogether.

Yes, the "lion" is also the Pope: Pope Leo, who crowned Charlemagne on Christmas Day. The hymnographer has skillfully blended all this imagery to make a memorable play upon the name of the Pope that crowned Charlemagne. Normally Christians were devoured by lions set upon them by a Pagan Emperor. Now, a Christian emperor is crowned by a lion (Leo) in another sense, entirely.

There is, possibly, another reference to Leo (and St. Agnes) in the verse to the fourth Matins Responsory. Therein Charlemagne is Leoni fortior, sed Agno mitior. Perhaps the hymn's composer is boasting a bit about Charlemagne's accomplishments by making him greater than Pope St. Leo the Fourth (the leoni, than whom Charlemagne is fortior), and also greater than St. Agnes the Virgin Martyr (the agno, than whom Charlemagne is mitior). Why would the hymnographer want to make Charlemagne "meeker" than St. Agnes? Well, Charlemagne's new feast was composed for the Fourth of the Kalends of February. The same day as the secondary Feast of St. Agnes (the octave and crown of her feast, in fact), now demoted in Charles' favor!

A final point about this celebration of Vespers: the cathedral at Aachen, as we have all seen, was splendid. Doubtless there were many clerics there to chant the services, and they must have done so with skill. But, times have changed and we monks are fewer in numbers. And, when it comes to modern-day, Eastern Orthodox monks chanting 700-year old services from the Western, Latin Church... well, I'm sure the skill level is a bit lower, too. This is a humble service, and is nothing like it would have been in the Cathedral of Aachen on Charlemagne's Feast. Before rubrical purists and liturgical savants from the empyrean realms of glory take our humble brotherhood to task for the rubrical impurity of our performance, I would remind them that I am aware of its shortcomings. We are three monks. Only two of us can sing (poorly at that), and one of these is the priest, who is not free to join me in choir as he is celebrating the service.

Nevertheless, I know that even in the Western Church there was the mentality of "making do" with what one had, when this was necessary. St. Cuthbert chanted his hours in an abandoned little shack while travelling. St. Ceolfrith, after a plague wiped out all his monks besides a young boy (the Venerable St. Bede), attempted to chant the services in full with all the antiphons – but, broke down in tears and changed his mind, when he heard the antiphons sung by only their two, little voices. The Rule of our Holy Father Benedict grants permission to omit the antiphons entirely in small brotherhoods.

We have opted to sing the antiphons, according to our slight power - albeit in a simplified manner, not according to the original melodies. The hymn is sung in an ancient melody for Confessors' Feasts of Nine Lessons, and some of the antiphons for processions and commemorations are after ancient Sarum usage. But, the other propers for Charlemagne are being improvised. The purpose of this celebration is threefold: to allow future students in the "Court of Charlemagne" class to hear the words in which Charlemagne came to be venerated; to give some example of what a Medieval Vespers service is like; and lastly, to do something for the love of God, and to honor Him through honoring His servant Charles. The video can only be enjoyed, if at all, in this spirit.

I understand that the video is not yet posted (as of 5/30/08). I hope to see it here in the next two weeks. A word-for-word reproduction of the service (with rubrical explanations) follows this introductory material, for those unable to watch the celebration.

Charlemagne understood how important it is to learn and to struggle to better one's self. So, I will post here a fairly simple Antiphon from the "Second Vespers" of the Feast of St. Charlemagne. The Christian day, like the Jewish, begins and ends at Sundown, not midnight. The first Vespers introduces the feast on the evening “before” the Feast Day. The Second Vespers bids farewell to the Feast on the evening after. These, then, are the words with which the faithful in Aachen bade farewell to the Feast of St. Charlemagne - and they sum up the most affectionate of their sentiments towards him. In the spirit of the Carolingian Renaissance, I encourage you to brush up on your Latin and translate this one yourself:

O Dei sacer athleta, Carole,
O saxeae gentis apostole,
O vere confessor obsequio,
Virgo votis, martyrque studio,
Qui, Quem virtute potentis
Dexterae praedicasti
Mentibus sacrilegis
Paraclitum Inspirasti,
Mediante Sancto Aegidio
Sanctionis Dominicae Mysterio
Coelitus per Angelum collatam
Implora nobis peccatorum veniam. Amen.


Quaerendo invenietis - et, Deo Gratias.

Here Follows the Text of the
Vespers of Blessed Charlemagne


After the bell has finished tolling, the priest crosses himself and begins, softly:

+In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. Amen.

Our Father, Who art in heaven, hallowed be Thy name; Thy Kingdom come, Thy will be done, on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors; and lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. Amen.

Hail Mary, Full of Grace; the Lord is with thee! Blessed art thou amongst women, and blessed is the Fruit of thy womb, Jesus.

All cross their foreheads, and the priest begins:

O God, attend unto mine assistance! [All join:] Lord, hasten to help me! +Glory to the Father and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit; as it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, throughout all the ages of ages. Amen. Alleluya!

Now the psalms are sung, with their attendant antiphons.


Ps. 137
1 I will praise thee, O lord, with my whole heart: for thou hast heard the words of my mouth. I will sing praise to thee in the sight of his angels: 2 I will worship towards thy holy temple, and I will give glory to thy name. For thy mercy, and for thy truth: for thou hast magnified thy holy name above all. 3 In what day soever I shall call upon thee, hear me: thou shall multiply strength in my soul. 4 May all the kings of the earth give glory to thee: for they have heard all the words of thy mouth. 5 And let them sing in the ways of the Lord: for great is the glory of the Lord. 6 For the Lord is high, and looketh on the low: and the high he knoweth afar off. 7 If I shall walk in the midst of tribulation, thou wilt quicken me: and thou hast stretched forth thy hand against the wrath of my enemies: and thy right hand hath saved me. 8 The Lord will repay for me: thy mercy, O Lord, endureth for ever: O despise not the work of thy hands.
Ant. 1, mode 1d.
Born of Royal Stock
And approved by God,
Charles spurned this life's
Illicit contagions.

Ps. 138
1 Lord, thou hast proved me, and known me: 2 Thou hast know my sitting down, and my rising up. 3 Thou hast understood my thoughts afar off: my path and my line thou hast searched out. 4 And thou hast foreseen all my ways: for there is no speech in my tongue. 5 Behold, O Lord, thou hast known all things, the last and those of old: thou hast formed me, and hast laid thy hand upon me. 6 Thy knowledge is become wonderful to me: it is high, and I cannot reach to it. 7 Whither shall I go from thy spirit? or whither shall I flee from thy face? 8 If I ascend into heaven, thou art there: if I descend into hell, thou art present. 9 If I take my wings early in the morning, and dwell in the uttermost parts of the sea: 10 Even there also shall thy hand lead me: and thy right hand shall hold me. 11 And I said: Perhaps darkness shall cover me: and night shall be my light in my pleasures. 12 But darkness shall not be dark to thee, and night shall be light as day: the darkness thereof, and the light thereof are alike to thee. 13 For thou hast possessed my reins: thou hast protected me from my mother's womb. 14 I will praise thee, for thou art fearfully magnified: wonderful are thy works, and my soul knoweth right well. 15 My bone is not hidden from thee, which thou hast made in secret: and my substance in the lower parts of the earth. 16 Thy eyes did see my imperfect being, and in thy book all shall be written: days shall be formed, and no one in them. 17 But to me thy friends, O God, are made exceedingly honourable: their principality is exceedingly strengthened. 18 I will number them, and they shall be multiplied above the sand: I rose up and am still with thee. 19 If thou wilt kill the wicked, O God: ye men of blood, depart from me: 20 Because you say in thought: They shall receive thy cities in vain. 21 Have I not hated them, O Lord, that hated thee: and pine away because of thy enemies? 22 I have hated them with a perfect hatred: and they are become enemies to me. 23 Prove me, O God, and know my heart: examine me, and know my paths. 24 And see if there be in me the way of iniquity: and lead me in the eternal way.
Ant. 2; mode 2d
Brought up in the sweentess
Of the Angelic cult,
When he was raised to high office,
Charles was fed on Bread from heaven.

Ps. 139
1 Unto the end, a psalm for David. 2 Deliver me, O Lord, from the evil man: rescue me from the unjust man. 3 Who have devised iniquities in their hearts: all the day long they designed battles. 4 They have sharpened their tongues like a serpent: the venom of saps is under their lips. 5 Keep me, O Lord, from the hand of the wicked: and from unjust men deliver me. Who have proposed to supplant my steps. 6 The proud have hidden a net for me. And they have stretched out cords for a snare: they have laid for me a stumblingblock by the wayside. 7 I said to the Lord: Thou art my God: hear, O Lord, the voice of my supplication. 8 O Lord, Lord, the strength of my salvation: thou hast overshadowed my head in the day of battle. 9 Give me not up, O Lord, from my desire to the wicked: they have plotted against me; do not thou forsake me, lest they should triumph. 10 The head of them compassing me about: the labour of their lips shall overwhelm them. 11 Burning coals shall fall upon them; thou wilt cast them down into the fire: in miseries they shall not be able to stand. 12 A man full of tongue shall not be established in the earth: evil shall catch the unjust man unto destruction. 13 I know that the Lord will do justice to the needy, and will revenge the poor. 14 But as for the just, they shall give glory to thy name: and the upright shall dwell with thy countenance.
Ant. 3; mode 3e
The Caesar obtained
The holy effects of virtue;
His civilized compatriots
Spurned contemptible beguilements.

Ps. 140
1 I have cried to the, O Lord, hear me: hearken to my voice, when I cry to thee. 2 Let my prayer be directed as incense in thy sight; the lifting up of my hands, as evening sacrifice. 3 Set a watch, O Lord, before my mouth: and a door round about my lips. 4 Incline not my heart to evil words; to make excuses in sins. With men that work iniquity: and I will not communicate with the choicest of them. 5 The just shall correct me in mercy, and shall reprove me: but let not the oil of the sinner fatten my head. For my prayer also shall still be against the things with which they are well pleased: 6 Their judges falling upon the rock have been swallowed up. They shall hear my words, for they have prevailed: 7 As when the thickness of the earth is broken up upon the ground: Our bones are scattered by the side of hell. 8 But o to thee, O Lord, Lord, are my eyes: in thee have I put my trust, take not away my soul. 9 Keep me from the snare, which they have laid for me, and from the stumblingblocks of them that work iniquity. 10 The wicked shall fall in his net: I am alone until I pass.
Ant. 4; mode 4e
Equipped with the armament
Of the shield of righteous faith
By intellections he rose above
The torrid seething of sin.

Ps. 141
1 Of understanding for David. A prayer when he was in the cave. [1 Kings 24] 2 I cried to the Lord with my voice: with my voice I made supplication to the Lord. 3 In his sight I pour out my prayer, and before him I declare my trouble: 4 When my spirit failed me, then thou newest my paths. 5 I looked on my right hand, and beheld, and there was no one that would know me. Flight hath failed me: and there is no one that hath regard to my soul. 6 I cried to thee, O Lord: I said: Thou art my hope, my portion in the land of the living. 7 Attend to my supplication: for I am brought very low. Deliver me from my persecutors; for they are stronger than I. 8 Bring my soul out of prison, that I may praise thy name: the just wait for me, until thou reward me.
Ant. 5; mode 5f
Neither fear of the world,
Nor the avaricious error of lucre
Could subdue (his) mind,
Following the commands of Christ. The melismatic pneum for the tone is appended.

Now the Chapter is intoned.

He recieved the power to reign, and wrought what was pleasant in the eyes of the Lord : deeds like unto those done by his father. (II. Paralipomenon, chap. 29)
R: Thanks be to God.

The responsory is now chanted.

This soldier of Thine did follow Thee,
And Thou didst receive him.
Likened unto Elisaeus,
He wrought fitting works for God, Alleluya, Alleluya.

V: Who, whilst he prays, languor fails;
Death takes flight and life returns.

Likened unto Elisaeus, he wrought fitting works for God.

Glory be to the Father and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit.
Alleluya, Alleluya.

This soldier of Thine did follow Thee,
And Thou didst receive him.
Likened unto Elisaeus,
He wrought fitting works for God, Alleluya, Alleluya.

Then the Vespers hymn for Charlemagne. A thurifer makes sure that the censer is prepared with a coal and incense.


O King, Subduer | of the World,
And Emperor over | the kings of Earth.
Of your flock, | of this our throng,
Piously hear the pious tears.

At whose prayer | death is fled away,
Life is given | and languor fails,
Who from the rock | makes water to flow
And cleanses the nations in baptism.

With skill | and nat'ral power
You shatter | unyielding city walls.
With pure prayer | paying vows to Christ,
Cutting down rebels with the sword.

O, how worthy | a slave of heaven,
A good and loyal | servant true,
He fortified | the earthly towers
And travelled to the place of peace.

Therefore strike | the iron rock,
Produce for us | the living fount!
Beseech our God | with tender prayer
And make Him to be mild towards us.

As the last verse of the hymn is sung, the priest removes his plain cope and enters the sanctuary, where he is met by a taper-bearer and the thurifer. There he replaces his plain with a more solemn cope.

+Ascribe greatness | to the Trinity,
Praise and honor | for the Unity,
Which, with might | of governing
Reigns rightly in co-equality. Amen.

The versicle following the hymn is intoned:
V: Percussisti omnes mihi adversantes sine causa.
(You have stricken all who oppose me without a cause.)

And all softly respond:
R: Dentes peccatorum contrivisti, Domine.
(You have shattered the teeth of sinners, O Lord.)

Now the Magnificat begins. While the cantor intones the incipit of its antiphon, the censer is brought to the priest by the thurifer, for the blessing as follows.

Thurifer. “Benedicite!” (Bless!)
Priest. “Dominus.” (The Lord Bless)

The priest then blesses the incense.
Priest. “Ab ipso benedicatur, in cujus honore cremabitur. + In Nomine Patrist, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti. Amen.”
(May it be blessed by Him, in Whose honour it shall be burnt. + In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. Amen.)

The priest does not yet take the censer, but makes a prostration before the High Altar. He then receives the censer from the thurifer and censes the altar – thrice in the middle, thrice on the right and thrice on the left. He then perambulates the altar, censing – especially being sure to cense the image of the Virgin in the sanctuary (or perhaps the Proskomide table w/Nativity Icon), and the ark of the relics, thrice each. He may then give the censer to the thurifer (or, continue himself). If he gives the censer to the thurifer, the priest is escorted back to his place in choir by taper-bearers and the thurifer shall cense the priest first of all. Then, whether it be the priest or the thurifer who censes, the censing continues with the choir (rulers of the choir first), followed by the people and the holy icons.

Throughout all this censing, the choir is chanting the Magnificat, with its antiphon.

My soul doth magnify the Lord.
And my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour.
Because he hath regarded the humility of his handmaid; for behold from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed.
Because he that is mighty, hath done great things to me; and holy is his name.
And his mercy is from generation unto generations, to them that fear him.
He hath shewed might in his arm: he hath scattered the proud in the conceit of their heart.
He hath put down the mighty from their seat, and hath exalted the humble.
He hath filled the hungry with good things; and the rich he hath sent empty away.
He hath received Israel his servant, being mindful of his mercy:
As he spoke to our fathers, to Abraham and to his seed for ever.

Ant. Ad Magnificat; mode 6f
O Hope to the afflicted,
Terror to hosts, Host to the conquered,
Rule of Virtue
Highway of justice, shape and figure of healing!
O Charles, gently receive
The votives of thy slaves. The melismatic pneum proper to the tone is appended.


Preces are omitted on a feast of this rank, the priest straightway chants, solemnly:

V: Dominus vobiscum. (The Lord be with you)
R: Et cum spiritu tuo. (And with thy spirit)

Oremus. Rex Regum, Domine Ds. Omns., Qui Beati Caroli arma et scripta multarum gentium conversione sanctificasti; conced, ut quem, ad Nominis Tui gloriam, victoriis et imperio decorasti in terris, Ecclesiae Tuae, quam tantopere dilexit atque defendit, patrocinetur in coelis. Per Dom.

(Translation: Let us pray. King of Kings, Lord God Almighty, Who sanctified both the arms and the writings of Blessed Charles with the conversion of many peoples : grant that he, whom you adorned on earth with victories and an empire, unto the glory of your Name, might also in the heavens be a patron unto Your Church, which he so greatly cherished and defended. We ask this through our Lord, Jesus Christ, Your Son, Who lives and reigns with You in the unity of the Holy Spirity as one God through all the ages of ages.)

All respond: Amen. The priest again chants, solemnly:

V: Dominus Vobiscum.
R: Et cum spiritu tuo.

A chanter intones the first Benedicamus.
Benedicamus Domino. (Let us bless the Lord).

And all respond:
Deo Gratias (Thanks be to God).

Then two commemorations are done, one of the Resurrection (it being Paschaltide),

Antiphon, tone 1.
The Lord is risen from the sepulchre,
Who for our sakes hung upon the Tree,
Allelluya, alleluya, alleluya.

V. Dominus Surrexit! (The Lord is Risen!)
R. Sicut dixit, alelluya! (As He said, alleluya!)

Oremus.
O God, Who by Thine Only-Begotten Son didst open wide for us today the door to eternal life, death having been destroyed : the prayers which, in preventing us, Thou dost inspire do Thou also, assisting us, bring to fruition – through Christ our Lord.

All reply. Amen.

Then is done the last commemoration, of the Holy Virgin:

Antiphon, tone 2.
The door to Paradise
Was shut to all mankind by Eve.
And it hath been opened again
By the Virgin Mary, Alleluya.

V. Post partum, Virgo, permansisti inviolata!
R: Sancta Deipara, intercede pro nobis, alleluya!

(V: After Childbirth, O Virgin, you remained inviolate!)
(R: Holy Theotokos, intercede for us, alleluya!)

Oremus.
Pour Thy grace into our souls, we pray Thee, O Lord : that we, who have known the Incarnation of Christ Thy Son by the tidings of an Angel may, through His Passion and Cross, be brought into the glory of the Resurrection. + Through the same Christ our Lord.

All reply: Amen. The priest again chants, in the solemn melody:

V: Dominus vobiscum.
R: Et cum spiritu tuo.

The final Benedicamus, in elaborate melody, is intoned by the choir.
Benedicamus Domino.
All reply: Deo Gratias.

The priest ends the actual service, exactly as it was begun:
+In the Name… Our Father… Hail, Mary…


The Vespers have now ended, but by custom there is made a procession to the shrine, altar or image of the Virgin Mary. All carry candles in their hands for the procession.

Antiphon, tone 6.
Rejoice, Queen of Heaven; rejoice, Lady of the Angels! Hail O Holy Root, by whom Light arose upon the world! Rejoice, glorious Lady, beautiful above all women! Most noble Lady, fare thee well, and forever pray to Christ for us, alleluya!

V: Sancta Deipara, Virgo Semper Maria,
R: Intercede pro nobis cum Domino Deo nostro, alleluya!

(V: Holy Theotokos, Ever Virgin Mary)
(R: Intercede for us with the Lord, our God, alleluya!)

Oremus.
Grant us Thy servants, we beseech Thee, Lord God, to rejoice in perpetual health of mind and body : and by the glorious intercession of the Blessed and Ever-Virgin Mary, grant that we may be delivered from present sorrow and reap the fruits of eternal joy. + Through our Lord, Jesus Christ, Thy Son, Who lives and reigns with Thee in the unity of the Holy Spirit, God through all the ages of ages.

All reply: Amen.

Here end the Vespers of Blessed Charlemagne - and Thanks be to God.


Bibliography

Keller, Fr. Aidan The Holy Psalter according to Sarum Usage (In preparation for publication)

Dreves, Guido M. and Blume, Clemens, editors Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, v. XXV, Leipzig: O.R. Reisland, 1897.

Morel, P. Gall, editor Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters Einsiedlen: Carl and Nicolaus Benziger, 1868.

Breviarium Noviomense ad Usum Regalis Ecclesiae Sancti Quintini, edited beneath the auspices of Bishop Joannis-Francisci de la Cropte de Bourzac, published in Paris cum Privilegio Regis Christianissimi, 1774.