Daniel J. Russell
Professor Grotans
MRS 210
30 May 2008
Early Medieval Music
It is sometimes difficult to analyze the music of the early medieval age because the only pieces of evidence that we have to analyze the topic are manuscripts. Not many manuscripts relating to music from that time period are around today because the parchment used for manuscripts was expensive and the process was very time-consuming for scribes. Books were probably more important to the people of the time period, so only wealthy institutions, like the Church and some monasteries, were willing and able to produce the manuscripts for music that we still have today. Both sacred and secular music were preserved through the manuscripts of these institutions.
At the beginning of the medieval ages, notated music was reputed to be monophonic and homo-rhythmic. It appears that there was a unison sung text and there was no notated instrumental support in the beginning. Rhythm was not specified at the beginning of the era, but neumatic notations gave clear phrasing ideas. The simple chant, involving unison voice and natural declamation, was very popular during this time period, but eventually polyphony developed. Harmony, in consonant intervals of perfect fifths, unisons, octaves, (and later, perfect fourths) began to be notated. Rhythmic notation allows for complex interactions between multiple vocal lines in a repeatable fashion.
Many of the instruments that were used in medieval music still exist today, but they are in different forms now. One example is the flute. The flute was made of wood in medieval times, whereas now it is usually made of silver or other metals. The early flute could be played as a side-blown instrument or an end-blown instrument, whereas today the flute is primarily a side-blown instrument. A close relative of the flute is the recorder. The recorder has actually kept its medieval form for the most part. One of the flute's ancestors, the pan flute, was also popular in medieval times. This instrument's pipes were made of wood, and were measured off in length to produce different pitches.
Along with the wind instruments discussed above, medieval music also consisted of many plucked string instruments. Such instruments included the lute, mandora, gittern, and psaltery. The dulcimers, similar in structure to the psaltery and zither, were originally plucked instruments as well, but in the 14th century they became struck instruments with metal strings. Instruments without sound boxes, such as the Jew’s harp, were also popular in the time. Early versions of the organ, fiddle, and the trombone were also in existence.
The Gregorian Chant was developed in Charlemagne's Frankish kingdom, which encompassed modern France, Switzerland and Germany. Little is known about Church singing used in these areas before medieval times because no modern Western system of music writing had yet been invented. Charlemagne wanted the music of the Church in his kingdom to be sung like it was sung in Rome. Without written music, it was difficult for Charlemagne to get what he wanted because the music had to be learned orally, as a folk music tradition. The Frankish chant is thought to have received the name "Gregorian," after Pope Gregory, in order to give it greater authority and to ease its reception in the Frankish Kingdom. As stated earlier, not many manuscript have survived that give good detail of medieval music. This is also the case for the Gregorian Chant. There are no surviving book containing complete written repertories of the chant with music from the tenth century, but there are books from the eleventh century. Some of the earlier notations give rhythmic details, but most do not give exact pitches, so they may be interpreted in many different ways today. Pitch-defined manuscripts began to appear in the eleventh century and were well-established by the twelfth. In these, the pitches can be read without knowledge of the oral tradition, but the rhythmic details cease to be recorded.
Christianity was a dominant part of medieval culture, so an entire musical style developed just to support it. Sacred music was therefore set to the text of the Bible or at least inspired by it. This meant it was necessary for composers of sacred music to have some sort of education, a rare commodity in those days. For those who did not have the musical training and Biblical literacy needed for composing sacred music, there was the less-sophisticated realm of secular music.
The goals of sacred and secular early medieval composers were originally different. The sacred composers sought to set the Bible to music and to bring a more “heavenly” aspect to church than could be obtained by simply reading the Bible. Sacred music was originally composed to pay homage to God. Secular music, on the other hand, was composed solely for its entertainment value, whether for dance or to express love. In the early medieval times, sacred composers were formally trained in music and secular composers were usually not. So not only did the two forms of music serve different purposes, they also represented a musical separation in society between the formally trained and the untrained, or even the rich and the poor.
Even to this day this type of division still exists between those formally trained in music and those who are not. Today, however, those formally trained do not usually write sacred music, but rather what is now called “classical” music. The “commoners” of today listen to folk, rock, country, or some other type of relatively “simple” form of music, i.e., pop music. In essence, though, music has evolved from the medieval times. It is still split into those who are formally trained and those who are not. The difference is that today the division between the trained and untrained is not delineated by religion, but usually by access to a university or other formal musical education program.
As stated earlier, medieval secular music was usually passed along orally and very rarely written down, so little has survived. In fact, this is true of most folk music until the last century. Medieval musicians and composers did not feel the need to stamp the works they wrote down with their name, which would be unthinkable for any modern artist. So part of what secular music has survived from the Middle Ages is often anonymous. Often, at best, music scholars have pinned down the style of a piece to several composers and to within a decade or two.
Those who know a bit about medieval music usually think of the troubadors, trouveres, and minnesingers when they think of secular music. All were different names for essentially the same type of musician found in the medieval period throughout Europe. Troubadors were found in southern France and northern Italy, trouveres in central and northern France, and minnesingers in Germany. Troubadors, trouveres, minnesingers were usually poets first, and the music was most likely originally used just as accompaniment. The estampie, an instrumental music which was most likely used for dance, is another common form of secular medieval music. There were also medieval dramas, predecessors of the opera. The primary focus of the medieval drama was not the music, but the acting. Since secular music’s purpose was for entertainment, there was little drive to push its style to the edges during the early medieval times. Therefore, it was from sacred music, where the inspiration to please God was present, that medieval music truly evolved.
Works Cited
Fenlon, Iain. Music in Medieval and Early Modern Europe : Patronage, Sources, and Texts. Cambridge [Eng.]; New York: Cambridge UP, 1981.
Hoppin, Richard H. Medieval Music. New York: W. W. Norton, 1978.
Laughlin, Donalda. Developing Basic Musicianship Through the Study of Medieval and Early Renaissance Music. Los Angeles, 1967.
Page, Christopher, ed. Music and Instruments of the Middle Ages : Studies on Texts and Performance. Aldershot, Great Britain; Brookfield, Vt.: Variorum, 1997.
Parrish, Carl. The Notation of Medieval Music. London: Faber & Faber, 1957.
Reese, Gustave. Music in the Middle Ages. New York: W. W. Norton, 1940.
Seay, Albert. Music in the Medieval World. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1965.
Saturday, May 31, 2008
The Carolingian Soldier
Training for the Carolingian Soldier
By: Jeremy Profitt
The training of a soldier is among the most important aspects of maintaining a kingdom, because when war erupts it is up to the soldiers to defend the lands. This is why professional soldiers trained full-time, so as to meet the challenges on any battlefield and bring glory to their lands. Although recruits may come from any walk of life, once they stepped onto that battlefield only their specialized training could determine their fates.
The most common Carolingian Soldier (milites) was the infantryman. Although other tribes at that time preferred to use cavalry as their main force, the Franks showed their strength with infantry. Each of these soldiers would be equipped with, at least, a sword and a shield. Body armor was not common amongst foot soldiers because it simply cost too much to produce for that many men. The common sword in early Carolingian times was the short sword (sax), which measured about 65-80 cm in length and was used primarily for thrusting, as opposed to slashing. This would be replaced a couple of centuries later with a longer sword, about 90-100 cm, that gradually tapers to a point along the entire length of the sword. This tapering caused the center of gravity to be fixed closer to the pommel of the sword, allowing for quicker movements, which was one of the main benefits of the shorter sword. This was the reason for the eventual replacement of the short sword. The shield used by the common foot soldier was round, wooden, and approximately 80 cm in diameter. It was held in their left hands and could be swung over to the soldier’s back to protect them during retreat. These soldiers could have also carried various other weapons, depending on their preference. One common weapon that was famed by the Franks was a small axe type weapon called a francisca. This axe was used more as a throwing axe than for hand-to-hand combat. It could be hurled at the opposite battle line right before the lines met to disrupt the enemy’s charge. The soldiers were also familiar with the javelin which, like the francisca, could be thrown from a distance or be used in close combat (although not as common). The bow-and-arrow and the sling were other possible additions to the foot soldier’s equipment. Although most infantrymen were not trained in archery or “slinging”, most were more than competent in these skills because of their practical uses in hunting. The bow could me slung around the back side of the soldier, and the quiver (which usually held 12 arrows) would be hung on his hip. The sling could be held at the hip as well and many different projectiles could be used with it.
Equipment was not enough for a soldier to go to war however. These men were trained daily in order to execute vital maneuvers that would help them on the battlefield. The most basic of these skills was the march. The men would need to be lined up and while keeping order, march the length of a battlefield. Usually the march was at a slow pace, but with enough practice the men could keep their formations while running. This cohesion was very critical when attacking an enemy, because any flaw in the battle lines could be a vulnerable point that the enemy might exploit. The most crucial of the foot soldiers’ skills, however, was the forming of a phalanx. The Carolingian infantry phalanx is not the typical “hedgehog” phalanx that one may think of, with the shields up and the long spears sticking out to face the enemy. In fact, this was hardly used, and only against cavalry, since horses were known to turn away from a wall of spears and often losing their riders in the process. The Carolingian phalanx was used defensively on the battlefield and took advantage of the short, thrusting sword that the infantrymen used. To train for this type of defensive maneuver, the soldiers would set up a “quintain,” which was basically a large (about 6 feet) wooden pole planted in the ground, and practice their drills against it. This type of drill was used by new recruits as well as older, veteran soldiers. The soldiers would approach the quintain with a large wooden shield and club which weighed much more than the actual sword and shield. This obviously strengthened the soldier and allowed for much quicker movements when it came to using the real equipment. The soldier would then practice by stabbing at the target, first at the face and head, then at the stomach and legs. Stabbing and thrusting were much more effective against an enemy than the commonly perceived slashing attack. Using the sword as a thrusting weapon had many benefits over slashing. Perhaps most importantly, it could penetrate armor much more readily than slashing. It is also more accurate and can be done in close quarters with friendly units right next to each other; as was the case in the phalanx formation. The soldiers would practice many different exercises that could be used in a battle. They would jump toward, away, and side to side the quintain, thrusting at it the entire time. They would have to do all of this while maintaining a strong formation with the men around them. It is common for the formation to drift to the sword side (right side – left handed men were taught to use their swords with their right hands), and so it is important to keep your position so that you don’t inevitably give up an opening when you’re in an actual battle. This takes much practice and dedication to perfect, and contrary to the popular saying “practice makes perfect,” these soldiers believed more in the mindset of “perfect practice makes perfect.”
Although originally used only to protect the king, the horsed soldier eventually became the predominate unit in the army. These soldiers were often from wealthier backgrounds since they were able to afford better swords and much more armor. Some were even clothed in full scale armor, including greaves, gauntlets, and armguards. These men, also, typically needed training from a very young age, which could normally only be done by wealthy nobles. The training, however, was not at all soft and luxurious, and these men were typically the best of the best when it came to battle. They were expected to be able to fight while riding the horse, then dismount and defend themselves in hand-to-hand combat, and also mount the horse again while encumbered with their armor and weapons and continue fighting. The practice of mounting and dismounting was well respected by other tribes at that time. To practice mounting/dismounting the soldier would first do it with no armor on at all, and once he was competent at this, he would slowly progress by adding more and more armor until he was fully capable of mounting/dismounting the horse in full armor from any direction (from either side of the horse, and even from the back or the head). This allowed the soldier to jump down from the horse, engage the enemy, and even form up a phalanx with the rest of the troops; then he could mount the horse again and continue to battle from horseback. Attacking from horseback was obviously another factor in the cavalry training. To practice this they would line up in two groups facing each other, beginning about 100 meters apart, and then they would charge at each other while staying in perfect lines (shoulder to shoulder, knee to knee) with heavy wooden poles. Right before they met each other at a full charge, one of the forces, at a signal, would suddenly turn completely around and feign a retreat. They would turn their horses and fling their shields to their backs to protect them during their retreat. Then suddenly they would turn their horses again and engage with the pursuing army. This feigned retreat was practiced to perfection so as to undermine an enemy phalanx.
Other forms of training were available, too, from spear throwing, to archery, and maybe even “slinging.” Spear throwing was very important because it was probably the most used weapon at the time since it could be thrown or used in hand-to-hand combat. To practice this, the soldier set up a quintain and practiced hitting it from a distance with a heavy, wooden, spear shaped pole. This extra weight, again, allowed for the soldier to throw the actual spear with more strength when in a battle situation. Although some soldiers were experts at spear throwing, and could take down a particular unit, sometimes armies use a hail of spears to disrupt an engaging enemy. Archers were trained similarly to the spear throwers, where they set up a quintain and practiced shooting it. Many soldiers were already quite efficient in archery, however, because they used the bow and arrow as a means for hunting. This is the same for soldiers using a sling. Although it’s not recorded that they actually practiced the sling, it was a very effective weapon (especially in rocky terrain with a surplus of “ammo”), and was quite lethal in the right hands. Many soldiers that used to be shepherds (they used slings to fend of wolves and other threats) were incredible shots with a sling, and could hit vital points on an opposing soldier’s body (i.e. David and Goliath). All of these ranged weapons were of great use in a battle, and so were practiced by almost all the soldiers. This allowed for military flexibility and thus better military tactics that helped ensure victory on the battlefield.
The life of a Carolingian soldier was not a glamorous one, but without these highly trained professionals, the Carolingian empire would not have existed. Because of these men’s dedication to their training and to their country they would be looked at as heroes for centuries to come.
Bibliography
Coupland, Simon. "Carolingian Arms and Armor in the Ninth Century." 7 May 2008 (http://www.deremilitari.org/resources/articles/coupland.htm).
"Medieval Warfare." Wikipedia. 26 May 2008 (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Medieval_warfare).
The Vespers of St. Charlemagne by Fr. Augustine
The Vespers of St. Charlemagne
By Fr. Augustine
Introduction
(Note: A video will soon be posted of this Vespers celebration - the following explanation is designed to explain the origins of the service and its celebration. A full print-out of the service, with rubrics, follows.)
Charlemagne, upon his death, was highly revered by his countrymen. This reverence took on the proportions of sanctity, and Charles was canonized locally by the Frankish Church. While at a later period (1170 A.D.) canonizations came to be reserved to the Holy See, at the time the Frankish Church was entirely within its rights to perform a local glorification of a saint. The Orthodox Church still follows this method of canonizations – and, since the Frankish Church conducted this canonization before the Schism between East and West, there is no reason for Orthodox Christianity to reject his canonization – although the figure of Charlemagne is still a figure of controversy and prejudice in Eastern Orthodox circles.
Nevertheless, this is how it has come to pass, that a small group of Orthodox monks assisted me in the celebration of the Vespers of Blessed Charlemagne. Some slight introduction to the format used for this celebration of Vespers, and some brief commentary upon the texts' portrayal of Charlemagne's sanctity, may prove helpful to those reading and/or viewing the celebration.
In the first place, the service books of the Church are comprised of two great "types" of texts: first, the "Ordo" texts, which set down the base form, or foundation, of the service; there then remains the "Proper," which comprises the varying texts that are interpolated into the Ordo to make the service specific to a certain feast day or day of the week. Generally speaking, the words “Ordo” and “Proper” refer to the Mass and its texts – but the same principle applies here. For example: normally there is a set form that the service of Vespers takes on a Friday in Paschaltide (the day of this Vespers celebration). However, the feast of Charlemagne has a very full Proper, which changes all the antiphons for that day, adds a Prolix Responsory and changes the Hymn with its versicle and responsory. Of course, the “oratio” (prayer) at the main commemoration is specific to Charlemagne, as well. This results in a service, which retains certain elements of the weekday Ordo (namely, the Psalms employed and the basic format of the service), but is heavily specified for St. Charlemagne in almost all of its variable parts.
The Ordo I have chosen to use, is that of the Sarum Cathedral Office. This choice was made for several reasons. In the first place, I am not in possession of the Ordo texts from the Aachen Breviary (whence most of my Proper derives). But, there are positive reasons for the choice as well. First, the Sarum texts have been blessed and used in the Orthodox Church before, whereas no competent ecclesiastical authority has examined the service books of Aachen and ruled on their suitability for Orthodox worship; therefore, I use the Sarum texts because of their blessedness, beauty, accuracy and refined piety.
Also, the English Church (of which Sarum is an important See) preserves an interesting blend of Gallican and Roman customs, since St. Augustine of Canterbury found Gallican-influenced liturgy already present in England when he and his missionaries arrived, and may have introduced yet more elements after their own travels through Gaul. This was formally blessed and encouraged by Pope St. Gregory the Great in his correspondence with St. Austin of Kent (aka Augustine of Canterbury), as recorded by that felicitous Master and Doctor, the Venerable Bede. When it comes to the Divine Office (as well as the Mass), it is hardly possible to reconstruct the forms of worship used in Charlemagne's empire in any realy fulness. It is very possible, however, that the customs and piety of the English Church from the 12th century (whence the Sarum books that I have used derive) actually preserve more particulars of the piety and ceremonial of the early Frankish Church than the more Romanized piety and ethos of 14th and 15th century Aachen Breviary (whence my Proper derives). This is especially true of the chant repertoire – which is richer and more elaborate in English chant, after the Gallican style, than in the Roman.
Lastly, the Aachen Breviary reflects a Cathedral Usage, as opposed to a monastic usage. A Cathedral usage (usually) calls for five psalms at Vespers; those familiar with Latin liturgy will know that the rule of St. Benedict calls for a different number. The Aachen and Sarum use, therefore, each call for the same number of psalms and antiphons, and are thus a good fit for one another.
For the Proper, I have consulted with the Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, compiled by Guido M. Dreves. Therein, he compiles the musical portion of Charlemagne’s service, forming a critical edition, from a multitude of service books. The bulk of the service is taken from the Antiphonarium Aquisgranense (Aachen Antiphoner), but many books from other monasteries and cities (Coloniensis, Garstensis, Gerundensis, Ebersburgensis, Emmeramensis, Lubicensis, Francofurtensis, many Cistercian/monastic books and many others) are criticially compared. Because the Analecta Hymnica is concerned with the musical portions of the service, the Versicle and Responsory on the hymn, together with the Chapter following the Psalms, are absent. I have supplied these from the Breviary of Noyons.
The Proper for Charlemagne's Feast (January 28th, or "IV Kalends Februarii"), indicates that the feast was some class of “Double Feast” in Aachen. This is so, because the Proper gives a Prolix Responsory at both the First and Second Vespers of Charlemagne – the presence of two such responsories (and the doubling of the Antiphon upon the Magnificat) is the origin of the name “Double Feast.” Not having the Aachen Cathedral Kalendar from this period, I cannot say specifically what rank the feast had. We can make an educated guess, however.
These are the four ranks of Double Feasts
The Double Feasts (so called because the Antiphon on the Magnificat is doubled):
Principal - The greatest feasts: Easter, Christmas, etc.
Greater - Great feasts: Purification (Candlemas), Trinity Sunday, etc.
Lesser - Major Saints, Apostles, Prophets: St. John Baptist, All Saints, Michaelmas, etc.
Inferior - Important Saints, many Apostles' feasts, Ss. Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, etc.
One would not want to rule out the enthusiasm of Aachen's faithful - it is possible that they numbered Charlemagne's feast amongst the top two or three ranks of feasts; it is far more likely, however, that Charlemagne's feast was ranked amongst the Inferior Doubles. The Principal Doubles tended to have their readings diminished (employing only one Nocturne), as a part of the festivities; that at least, argues against the highest rank - combined with the impiety of numbering Charlemagne's feast day amongst the great days like Christmas, Pentecost and Easter!
Whatever rank it held in Aachen, when the feast was celebrated in other localities, its rank was highly variable. For example, St. Austin of Canterbury is an Inferior Double in England. But, it is unlikely that his feast was celebrated in Aachen at all. So, I have made the informed decision to celebrate Charlemagne's feast in Columbus as an Inferior Double; I believe this is the most probable ranking, anyway.
A feast of this rank impacts upon the more-or-less unchanging Ordo of the service. The "preces" - the reading of psalm 50 accompanied by "little capitularies" and a collect - would be omitted. Also, Vespers in the Sarum Usage could be tri-partite (or even quatri-partite), consisting of Vespers of the Day, of the Virgin, of the Dead, and of All Hallows. An Inferior Double calls for omission of all these - although most would be omitted anyway, seeing as the celebration takes place in Paschaltide according to the Orthodox Calendar. Paschaltide is the time between Pascha (Easter) and Pentecost.
On most Saturdays - a day especially consecrated to Our Lady - the Office of the Blessed Virgin is done fully, in Choir, following the daily Office. There is an exception to this rule, however, whereby this full service of the Blessed Virgin is not observed on any Ember Saturday or any Feast with "ruling of the choir." In those cases, the full service is observed on the prior day, and is omitted on the Feast itself. Because this is an Inferior Double Feast, it is a feast with "ruling of the choir," and thus the Little Vespers of the Virgin are not done in this celebration.
That completes the rather dry explanation of the service’ form. A very brief characterization of the service’ portrayal of Charlemagne is appropriate.
The services have a multi-dimensional appreciation for Charlemagne: as a saint in the broadest sense, as a righteous conqueror, and as a giver of the divine law. Some of the antiphons would be equally applicable to most other saints, emphasizing a holiness of personal life and a right ordering of his energies. But some are yet broader and more generic, seemingly appropriate to all classes of saints. At the Invitatory of Matins, this antiphon was repeated many times:
Humbly God implore
With devotion pure,
Who o'er the stars above
Raised Charles, whom He loved.
And this antiphon from the first Nocturne of Matins could just as easily be sung of St. Benedict:
By shores of hallowed brooks,
Firmly did Charles take root;
And as the flowers of spring
His fragrance forth did bring.
Yet, the particular aspects of Charlemagne's life are also celebrated. Some of these focus on his Christian upbringing from youth (as opposed to the still-common experience of converting into the Faith), such as a short one from Vespers,
Brought up in the sweentess
Of the Angelic cult,
When he was raised to high office,
Charles was fed on Bread from heaven.
Or another from Matins, which speaks of how Charlemagne was already wise and mature from an early age.
Jewel of Franks, O Charles,
Boy bearing an aged heart!
While yet a new pupil of the human lot
But in nowise acting childishly,
You spurned the world and were wary of wealth
Whilst following Christ, whom you loved.
Verse: Pressing to his breast the justice of the Divine Law,
He offered himself to God as a pleasant sacrifice.
In this antiphon, we see that he is revered as a cultor of the divine law. This sentiment is echoed in other places, as in the Antiphon upon the Magnificat, where Charles is called a "rule of virtue" and "highway of justice."
He is also celebrated as a righteous warrior and conqueror - especially as one who liberates Christians or brings about the conversion of Pagans. The Vespers Hymn celebrates him almost as another Christ, saying
O king, subduer of the world,
And emperor over the kings of Earth.
Of your flock, of this our throng,
Piously hear the pious tears.
At whose prayer death is fled away,
Life is given and languor fails,
Who from the rock make water to flow
And cleanse the nations in baptism.
One of the most interesting antiphons relates his violently pious exploits at Pamplona.
By the flowing prayer of his righteous mind
The walls of Pamplona were ruined.
The conqueror, in spurning the wretched cult [of Islam],
Has the survivors for his friends.
V:Mightier than the lion,
But meeker than the lamb;
He caused foreign hosts in baptism
To be reborn for Christ.
The texts also want to emphasize the universal acclaim (and one can infer therefrom, the legitimacy) of his rule:
With Frankia demanding it
And the Curia applauding it
WIth a royal sceptre beautified
And above all others lifted high
God esteemed him worthy
Of the royal glory.
V: A champion o'er the vices in the fray,
By Leo's hand the Emperor is made.
Perhaps the third Responsory from Matins best combines all of these themes:
As a Caesar supported
By earthly power's sword
So with justice of law
He galloped through his course
To win for himself the prize
Of glory and salvation.
Verse: Struggling manfully,
And faithfully bearing all things.
The hymnographer was at times very inventive and clever. It is a shame that his thoughts can hardly be preserved in translation. For example, the Antiphon ad Magnificat hails Charlemagne as
Terror hostiis, Hostia Victis
("Terror to foreign armies, Yet a sacrificial victim unto those conquered.")
In the Latin, obviously, the thought is more concise and also a bit "punny." The hymnographer is talented at drawing upon similar sounds, and playing off of various connotations with words and phrases. Perhaps the most charming example is the verse of the second Matins Responsory:
Vitiorum Triumphator
In Agone
Consecratur Imperator
A Leone.
Here the author sets forth the image of Charlemagne struggling "in agone," which would have unfailingly brought to mind the struggles of Christian martyrs in the arena (this word and phraseology is frequently used for such a purpose). This tends to also bring "lions" to mind. Here, the author embellishes upon the theme that those who torture the martyrs are in fact their greatest friends, since all the torments they inflict are actually crowns and ornaments upon the soon-to-be Saint in Glory. So, the lion (leone) crowns the martyr rather than eating him. Or, perhaps, crowns the martyr by eating him. But the lion in this antiphon also refers to another "Leo" altogether.
Yes, the "lion" is also the Pope: Pope Leo, who crowned Charlemagne on Christmas Day. The hymnographer has skillfully blended all this imagery to make a memorable play upon the name of the Pope that crowned Charlemagne. Normally Christians were devoured by lions set upon them by a Pagan Emperor. Now, a Christian emperor is crowned by a lion (Leo) in another sense, entirely.
There is, possibly, another reference to Leo (and St. Agnes) in the verse to the fourth Matins Responsory. Therein Charlemagne is Leoni fortior, sed Agno mitior. Perhaps the hymn's composer is boasting a bit about Charlemagne's accomplishments by making him greater than Pope St. Leo the Fourth (the leoni, than whom Charlemagne is fortior), and also greater than St. Agnes the Virgin Martyr (the agno, than whom Charlemagne is mitior). Why would the hymnographer want to make Charlemagne "meeker" than St. Agnes? Well, Charlemagne's new feast was composed for the Fourth of the Kalends of February. The same day as the secondary Feast of St. Agnes (the octave and crown of her feast, in fact), now demoted in Charles' favor!
A final point about this celebration of Vespers: the cathedral at Aachen, as we have all seen, was splendid. Doubtless there were many clerics there to chant the services, and they must have done so with skill. But, times have changed and we monks are fewer in numbers. And, when it comes to modern-day, Eastern Orthodox monks chanting 700-year old services from the Western, Latin Church... well, I'm sure the skill level is a bit lower, too. This is a humble service, and is nothing like it would have been in the Cathedral of Aachen on Charlemagne's Feast. Before rubrical purists and liturgical savants from the empyrean realms of glory take our humble brotherhood to task for the rubrical impurity of our performance, I would remind them that I am aware of its shortcomings. We are three monks. Only two of us can sing (poorly at that), and one of these is the priest, who is not free to join me in choir as he is celebrating the service.
Nevertheless, I know that even in the Western Church there was the mentality of "making do" with what one had, when this was necessary. St. Cuthbert chanted his hours in an abandoned little shack while travelling. St. Ceolfrith, after a plague wiped out all his monks besides a young boy (the Venerable St. Bede), attempted to chant the services in full with all the antiphons – but, broke down in tears and changed his mind, when he heard the antiphons sung by only their two, little voices. The Rule of our Holy Father Benedict grants permission to omit the antiphons entirely in small brotherhoods.
We have opted to sing the antiphons, according to our slight power - albeit in a simplified manner, not according to the original melodies. The hymn is sung in an ancient melody for Confessors' Feasts of Nine Lessons, and some of the antiphons for processions and commemorations are after ancient Sarum usage. But, the other propers for Charlemagne are being improvised. The purpose of this celebration is threefold: to allow future students in the "Court of Charlemagne" class to hear the words in which Charlemagne came to be venerated; to give some example of what a Medieval Vespers service is like; and lastly, to do something for the love of God, and to honor Him through honoring His servant Charles. The video can only be enjoyed, if at all, in this spirit.
I understand that the video is not yet posted (as of 5/30/08). I hope to see it here in the next two weeks. A word-for-word reproduction of the service (with rubrical explanations) follows this introductory material, for those unable to watch the celebration.
Charlemagne understood how important it is to learn and to struggle to better one's self. So, I will post here a fairly simple Antiphon from the "Second Vespers" of the Feast of St. Charlemagne. The Christian day, like the Jewish, begins and ends at Sundown, not midnight. The first Vespers introduces the feast on the evening “before” the Feast Day. The Second Vespers bids farewell to the Feast on the evening after. These, then, are the words with which the faithful in Aachen bade farewell to the Feast of St. Charlemagne - and they sum up the most affectionate of their sentiments towards him. In the spirit of the Carolingian Renaissance, I encourage you to brush up on your Latin and translate this one yourself:
O Dei sacer athleta, Carole,
O saxeae gentis apostole,
O vere confessor obsequio,
Virgo votis, martyrque studio,
Qui, Quem virtute potentis
Dexterae praedicasti
Mentibus sacrilegis
Paraclitum Inspirasti,
Mediante Sancto Aegidio
Sanctionis Dominicae Mysterio
Coelitus per Angelum collatam
Implora nobis peccatorum veniam. Amen.
Quaerendo invenietis - et, Deo Gratias.
Here Follows the Text of the
Vespers of Blessed Charlemagne
After the bell has finished tolling, the priest crosses himself and begins, softly:
+In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. Amen.
Our Father, Who art in heaven, hallowed be Thy name; Thy Kingdom come, Thy will be done, on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors; and lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, Full of Grace; the Lord is with thee! Blessed art thou amongst women, and blessed is the Fruit of thy womb, Jesus.
All cross their foreheads, and the priest begins:
O God, attend unto mine assistance! [All join:] Lord, hasten to help me! +Glory to the Father and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit; as it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, throughout all the ages of ages. Amen. Alleluya!
Now the psalms are sung, with their attendant antiphons.
Ps. 137
1 I will praise thee, O lord, with my whole heart: for thou hast heard the words of my mouth. I will sing praise to thee in the sight of his angels: 2 I will worship towards thy holy temple, and I will give glory to thy name. For thy mercy, and for thy truth: for thou hast magnified thy holy name above all. 3 In what day soever I shall call upon thee, hear me: thou shall multiply strength in my soul. 4 May all the kings of the earth give glory to thee: for they have heard all the words of thy mouth. 5 And let them sing in the ways of the Lord: for great is the glory of the Lord. 6 For the Lord is high, and looketh on the low: and the high he knoweth afar off. 7 If I shall walk in the midst of tribulation, thou wilt quicken me: and thou hast stretched forth thy hand against the wrath of my enemies: and thy right hand hath saved me. 8 The Lord will repay for me: thy mercy, O Lord, endureth for ever: O despise not the work of thy hands.
Ant. 1, mode 1d.
Born of Royal Stock
And approved by God,
Charles spurned this life's
Illicit contagions.
Ps. 138
1 Lord, thou hast proved me, and known me: 2 Thou hast know my sitting down, and my rising up. 3 Thou hast understood my thoughts afar off: my path and my line thou hast searched out. 4 And thou hast foreseen all my ways: for there is no speech in my tongue. 5 Behold, O Lord, thou hast known all things, the last and those of old: thou hast formed me, and hast laid thy hand upon me. 6 Thy knowledge is become wonderful to me: it is high, and I cannot reach to it. 7 Whither shall I go from thy spirit? or whither shall I flee from thy face? 8 If I ascend into heaven, thou art there: if I descend into hell, thou art present. 9 If I take my wings early in the morning, and dwell in the uttermost parts of the sea: 10 Even there also shall thy hand lead me: and thy right hand shall hold me. 11 And I said: Perhaps darkness shall cover me: and night shall be my light in my pleasures. 12 But darkness shall not be dark to thee, and night shall be light as day: the darkness thereof, and the light thereof are alike to thee. 13 For thou hast possessed my reins: thou hast protected me from my mother's womb. 14 I will praise thee, for thou art fearfully magnified: wonderful are thy works, and my soul knoweth right well. 15 My bone is not hidden from thee, which thou hast made in secret: and my substance in the lower parts of the earth. 16 Thy eyes did see my imperfect being, and in thy book all shall be written: days shall be formed, and no one in them. 17 But to me thy friends, O God, are made exceedingly honourable: their principality is exceedingly strengthened. 18 I will number them, and they shall be multiplied above the sand: I rose up and am still with thee. 19 If thou wilt kill the wicked, O God: ye men of blood, depart from me: 20 Because you say in thought: They shall receive thy cities in vain. 21 Have I not hated them, O Lord, that hated thee: and pine away because of thy enemies? 22 I have hated them with a perfect hatred: and they are become enemies to me. 23 Prove me, O God, and know my heart: examine me, and know my paths. 24 And see if there be in me the way of iniquity: and lead me in the eternal way.
Ant. 2; mode 2d
Brought up in the sweentess
Of the Angelic cult,
When he was raised to high office,
Charles was fed on Bread from heaven.
Ps. 139
1 Unto the end, a psalm for David. 2 Deliver me, O Lord, from the evil man: rescue me from the unjust man. 3 Who have devised iniquities in their hearts: all the day long they designed battles. 4 They have sharpened their tongues like a serpent: the venom of saps is under their lips. 5 Keep me, O Lord, from the hand of the wicked: and from unjust men deliver me. Who have proposed to supplant my steps. 6 The proud have hidden a net for me. And they have stretched out cords for a snare: they have laid for me a stumblingblock by the wayside. 7 I said to the Lord: Thou art my God: hear, O Lord, the voice of my supplication. 8 O Lord, Lord, the strength of my salvation: thou hast overshadowed my head in the day of battle. 9 Give me not up, O Lord, from my desire to the wicked: they have plotted against me; do not thou forsake me, lest they should triumph. 10 The head of them compassing me about: the labour of their lips shall overwhelm them. 11 Burning coals shall fall upon them; thou wilt cast them down into the fire: in miseries they shall not be able to stand. 12 A man full of tongue shall not be established in the earth: evil shall catch the unjust man unto destruction. 13 I know that the Lord will do justice to the needy, and will revenge the poor. 14 But as for the just, they shall give glory to thy name: and the upright shall dwell with thy countenance.
Ant. 3; mode 3e
The Caesar obtained
The holy effects of virtue;
His civilized compatriots
Spurned contemptible beguilements.
Ps. 140
1 I have cried to the, O Lord, hear me: hearken to my voice, when I cry to thee. 2 Let my prayer be directed as incense in thy sight; the lifting up of my hands, as evening sacrifice. 3 Set a watch, O Lord, before my mouth: and a door round about my lips. 4 Incline not my heart to evil words; to make excuses in sins. With men that work iniquity: and I will not communicate with the choicest of them. 5 The just shall correct me in mercy, and shall reprove me: but let not the oil of the sinner fatten my head. For my prayer also shall still be against the things with which they are well pleased: 6 Their judges falling upon the rock have been swallowed up. They shall hear my words, for they have prevailed: 7 As when the thickness of the earth is broken up upon the ground: Our bones are scattered by the side of hell. 8 But o to thee, O Lord, Lord, are my eyes: in thee have I put my trust, take not away my soul. 9 Keep me from the snare, which they have laid for me, and from the stumblingblocks of them that work iniquity. 10 The wicked shall fall in his net: I am alone until I pass.
Ant. 4; mode 4e
Equipped with the armament
Of the shield of righteous faith
By intellections he rose above
The torrid seething of sin.
Ps. 141
1 Of understanding for David. A prayer when he was in the cave. [1 Kings 24] 2 I cried to the Lord with my voice: with my voice I made supplication to the Lord. 3 In his sight I pour out my prayer, and before him I declare my trouble: 4 When my spirit failed me, then thou newest my paths. 5 I looked on my right hand, and beheld, and there was no one that would know me. Flight hath failed me: and there is no one that hath regard to my soul. 6 I cried to thee, O Lord: I said: Thou art my hope, my portion in the land of the living. 7 Attend to my supplication: for I am brought very low. Deliver me from my persecutors; for they are stronger than I. 8 Bring my soul out of prison, that I may praise thy name: the just wait for me, until thou reward me.
Ant. 5; mode 5f
Neither fear of the world,
Nor the avaricious error of lucre
Could subdue (his) mind,
Following the commands of Christ. The melismatic pneum for the tone is appended.
Now the Chapter is intoned.
He recieved the power to reign, and wrought what was pleasant in the eyes of the Lord : deeds like unto those done by his father. (II. Paralipomenon, chap. 29)
R: Thanks be to God.
The responsory is now chanted.
This soldier of Thine did follow Thee,
And Thou didst receive him.
Likened unto Elisaeus,
He wrought fitting works for God, Alleluya, Alleluya.
V: Who, whilst he prays, languor fails;
Death takes flight and life returns.
Likened unto Elisaeus, he wrought fitting works for God.
Glory be to the Father and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit.
Alleluya, Alleluya.
This soldier of Thine did follow Thee,
And Thou didst receive him.
Likened unto Elisaeus,
He wrought fitting works for God, Alleluya, Alleluya.
Then the Vespers hymn for Charlemagne. A thurifer makes sure that the censer is prepared with a coal and incense.
O King, Subduer | of the World,
And Emperor over | the kings of Earth.
Of your flock, | of this our throng,
Piously hear the pious tears.
At whose prayer | death is fled away,
Life is given | and languor fails,
Who from the rock | makes water to flow
And cleanses the nations in baptism.
With skill | and nat'ral power
You shatter | unyielding city walls.
With pure prayer | paying vows to Christ,
Cutting down rebels with the sword.
O, how worthy | a slave of heaven,
A good and loyal | servant true,
He fortified | the earthly towers
And travelled to the place of peace.
Therefore strike | the iron rock,
Produce for us | the living fount!
Beseech our God | with tender prayer
And make Him to be mild towards us.
As the last verse of the hymn is sung, the priest removes his plain cope and enters the sanctuary, where he is met by a taper-bearer and the thurifer. There he replaces his plain with a more solemn cope.
+Ascribe greatness | to the Trinity,
Praise and honor | for the Unity,
Which, with might | of governing
Reigns rightly in co-equality. Amen.
The versicle following the hymn is intoned:
V: Percussisti omnes mihi adversantes sine causa.
(You have stricken all who oppose me without a cause.)
And all softly respond:
R: Dentes peccatorum contrivisti, Domine.
(You have shattered the teeth of sinners, O Lord.)
Now the Magnificat begins. While the cantor intones the incipit of its antiphon, the censer is brought to the priest by the thurifer, for the blessing as follows.
Thurifer. “Benedicite!” (Bless!)
Priest. “Dominus.” (The Lord Bless)
The priest then blesses the incense.
Priest. “Ab ipso benedicatur, in cujus honore cremabitur. + In Nomine Patrist, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti. Amen.”
(May it be blessed by Him, in Whose honour it shall be burnt. + In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. Amen.)
The priest does not yet take the censer, but makes a prostration before the High Altar. He then receives the censer from the thurifer and censes the altar – thrice in the middle, thrice on the right and thrice on the left. He then perambulates the altar, censing – especially being sure to cense the image of the Virgin in the sanctuary (or perhaps the Proskomide table w/Nativity Icon), and the ark of the relics, thrice each. He may then give the censer to the thurifer (or, continue himself). If he gives the censer to the thurifer, the priest is escorted back to his place in choir by taper-bearers and the thurifer shall cense the priest first of all. Then, whether it be the priest or the thurifer who censes, the censing continues with the choir (rulers of the choir first), followed by the people and the holy icons.
Throughout all this censing, the choir is chanting the Magnificat, with its antiphon.
My soul doth magnify the Lord.
And my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour.
Because he hath regarded the humility of his handmaid; for behold from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed.
Because he that is mighty, hath done great things to me; and holy is his name.
And his mercy is from generation unto generations, to them that fear him.
He hath shewed might in his arm: he hath scattered the proud in the conceit of their heart.
He hath put down the mighty from their seat, and hath exalted the humble.
He hath filled the hungry with good things; and the rich he hath sent empty away.
He hath received Israel his servant, being mindful of his mercy:
As he spoke to our fathers, to Abraham and to his seed for ever.
Ant. Ad Magnificat; mode 6f
O Hope to the afflicted,
Terror to hosts, Host to the conquered,
Rule of Virtue
Highway of justice, shape and figure of healing!
O Charles, gently receive
The votives of thy slaves. The melismatic pneum proper to the tone is appended.
Preces are omitted on a feast of this rank, the priest straightway chants, solemnly:
V: Dominus vobiscum. (The Lord be with you)
R: Et cum spiritu tuo. (And with thy spirit)
Oremus. Rex Regum, Domine Ds. Omns., Qui Beati Caroli arma et scripta multarum gentium conversione sanctificasti; conced, ut quem, ad Nominis Tui gloriam, victoriis et imperio decorasti in terris, Ecclesiae Tuae, quam tantopere dilexit atque defendit, patrocinetur in coelis. Per Dom.
(Translation: Let us pray. King of Kings, Lord God Almighty, Who sanctified both the arms and the writings of Blessed Charles with the conversion of many peoples : grant that he, whom you adorned on earth with victories and an empire, unto the glory of your Name, might also in the heavens be a patron unto Your Church, which he so greatly cherished and defended. We ask this through our Lord, Jesus Christ, Your Son, Who lives and reigns with You in the unity of the Holy Spirity as one God through all the ages of ages.)
All respond: Amen. The priest again chants, solemnly:
V: Dominus Vobiscum.
R: Et cum spiritu tuo.
A chanter intones the first Benedicamus.
Benedicamus Domino. (Let us bless the Lord).
And all respond:
Deo Gratias (Thanks be to God).
Then two commemorations are done, one of the Resurrection (it being Paschaltide),
Antiphon, tone 1.
The Lord is risen from the sepulchre,
Who for our sakes hung upon the Tree,
Allelluya, alleluya, alleluya.
V. Dominus Surrexit! (The Lord is Risen!)
R. Sicut dixit, alelluya! (As He said, alleluya!)
Oremus.
O God, Who by Thine Only-Begotten Son didst open wide for us today the door to eternal life, death having been destroyed : the prayers which, in preventing us, Thou dost inspire do Thou also, assisting us, bring to fruition – through Christ our Lord.
All reply. Amen.
Then is done the last commemoration, of the Holy Virgin:
Antiphon, tone 2.
The door to Paradise
Was shut to all mankind by Eve.
And it hath been opened again
By the Virgin Mary, Alleluya.
V. Post partum, Virgo, permansisti inviolata!
R: Sancta Deipara, intercede pro nobis, alleluya!
(V: After Childbirth, O Virgin, you remained inviolate!)
(R: Holy Theotokos, intercede for us, alleluya!)
Oremus.
Pour Thy grace into our souls, we pray Thee, O Lord : that we, who have known the Incarnation of Christ Thy Son by the tidings of an Angel may, through His Passion and Cross, be brought into the glory of the Resurrection. + Through the same Christ our Lord.
All reply: Amen. The priest again chants, in the solemn melody:
V: Dominus vobiscum.
R: Et cum spiritu tuo.
The final Benedicamus, in elaborate melody, is intoned by the choir.
Benedicamus Domino.
All reply: Deo Gratias.
The priest ends the actual service, exactly as it was begun:
+In the Name… Our Father… Hail, Mary…
The Vespers have now ended, but by custom there is made a procession to the shrine, altar or image of the Virgin Mary. All carry candles in their hands for the procession.
Antiphon, tone 6.
Rejoice, Queen of Heaven; rejoice, Lady of the Angels! Hail O Holy Root, by whom Light arose upon the world! Rejoice, glorious Lady, beautiful above all women! Most noble Lady, fare thee well, and forever pray to Christ for us, alleluya!
V: Sancta Deipara, Virgo Semper Maria,
R: Intercede pro nobis cum Domino Deo nostro, alleluya!
(V: Holy Theotokos, Ever Virgin Mary)
(R: Intercede for us with the Lord, our God, alleluya!)
Oremus.
Grant us Thy servants, we beseech Thee, Lord God, to rejoice in perpetual health of mind and body : and by the glorious intercession of the Blessed and Ever-Virgin Mary, grant that we may be delivered from present sorrow and reap the fruits of eternal joy. + Through our Lord, Jesus Christ, Thy Son, Who lives and reigns with Thee in the unity of the Holy Spirit, God through all the ages of ages.
All reply: Amen.
Here end the Vespers of Blessed Charlemagne - and Thanks be to God.
Bibliography
Keller, Fr. Aidan The Holy Psalter according to Sarum Usage (In preparation for publication)
Dreves, Guido M. and Blume, Clemens, editors Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, v. XXV, Leipzig: O.R. Reisland, 1897.
Morel, P. Gall, editor Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters Einsiedlen: Carl and Nicolaus Benziger, 1868.
Breviarium Noviomense ad Usum Regalis Ecclesiae Sancti Quintini, edited beneath the auspices of Bishop Joannis-Francisci de la Cropte de Bourzac, published in Paris cum Privilegio Regis Christianissimi, 1774.
By Fr. Augustine
Introduction
(Note: A video will soon be posted of this Vespers celebration - the following explanation is designed to explain the origins of the service and its celebration. A full print-out of the service, with rubrics, follows.)
Charlemagne, upon his death, was highly revered by his countrymen. This reverence took on the proportions of sanctity, and Charles was canonized locally by the Frankish Church. While at a later period (1170 A.D.) canonizations came to be reserved to the Holy See, at the time the Frankish Church was entirely within its rights to perform a local glorification of a saint. The Orthodox Church still follows this method of canonizations – and, since the Frankish Church conducted this canonization before the Schism between East and West, there is no reason for Orthodox Christianity to reject his canonization – although the figure of Charlemagne is still a figure of controversy and prejudice in Eastern Orthodox circles.
Nevertheless, this is how it has come to pass, that a small group of Orthodox monks assisted me in the celebration of the Vespers of Blessed Charlemagne. Some slight introduction to the format used for this celebration of Vespers, and some brief commentary upon the texts' portrayal of Charlemagne's sanctity, may prove helpful to those reading and/or viewing the celebration.
In the first place, the service books of the Church are comprised of two great "types" of texts: first, the "Ordo" texts, which set down the base form, or foundation, of the service; there then remains the "Proper," which comprises the varying texts that are interpolated into the Ordo to make the service specific to a certain feast day or day of the week. Generally speaking, the words “Ordo” and “Proper” refer to the Mass and its texts – but the same principle applies here. For example: normally there is a set form that the service of Vespers takes on a Friday in Paschaltide (the day of this Vespers celebration). However, the feast of Charlemagne has a very full Proper, which changes all the antiphons for that day, adds a Prolix Responsory and changes the Hymn with its versicle and responsory. Of course, the “oratio” (prayer) at the main commemoration is specific to Charlemagne, as well. This results in a service, which retains certain elements of the weekday Ordo (namely, the Psalms employed and the basic format of the service), but is heavily specified for St. Charlemagne in almost all of its variable parts.
The Ordo I have chosen to use, is that of the Sarum Cathedral Office. This choice was made for several reasons. In the first place, I am not in possession of the Ordo texts from the Aachen Breviary (whence most of my Proper derives). But, there are positive reasons for the choice as well. First, the Sarum texts have been blessed and used in the Orthodox Church before, whereas no competent ecclesiastical authority has examined the service books of Aachen and ruled on their suitability for Orthodox worship; therefore, I use the Sarum texts because of their blessedness, beauty, accuracy and refined piety.
Also, the English Church (of which Sarum is an important See) preserves an interesting blend of Gallican and Roman customs, since St. Augustine of Canterbury found Gallican-influenced liturgy already present in England when he and his missionaries arrived, and may have introduced yet more elements after their own travels through Gaul. This was formally blessed and encouraged by Pope St. Gregory the Great in his correspondence with St. Austin of Kent (aka Augustine of Canterbury), as recorded by that felicitous Master and Doctor, the Venerable Bede. When it comes to the Divine Office (as well as the Mass), it is hardly possible to reconstruct the forms of worship used in Charlemagne's empire in any realy fulness. It is very possible, however, that the customs and piety of the English Church from the 12th century (whence the Sarum books that I have used derive) actually preserve more particulars of the piety and ceremonial of the early Frankish Church than the more Romanized piety and ethos of 14th and 15th century Aachen Breviary (whence my Proper derives). This is especially true of the chant repertoire – which is richer and more elaborate in English chant, after the Gallican style, than in the Roman.
Lastly, the Aachen Breviary reflects a Cathedral Usage, as opposed to a monastic usage. A Cathedral usage (usually) calls for five psalms at Vespers; those familiar with Latin liturgy will know that the rule of St. Benedict calls for a different number. The Aachen and Sarum use, therefore, each call for the same number of psalms and antiphons, and are thus a good fit for one another.
For the Proper, I have consulted with the Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, compiled by Guido M. Dreves. Therein, he compiles the musical portion of Charlemagne’s service, forming a critical edition, from a multitude of service books. The bulk of the service is taken from the Antiphonarium Aquisgranense (Aachen Antiphoner), but many books from other monasteries and cities (Coloniensis, Garstensis, Gerundensis, Ebersburgensis, Emmeramensis, Lubicensis, Francofurtensis, many Cistercian/monastic books and many others) are criticially compared. Because the Analecta Hymnica is concerned with the musical portions of the service, the Versicle and Responsory on the hymn, together with the Chapter following the Psalms, are absent. I have supplied these from the Breviary of Noyons.
The Proper for Charlemagne's Feast (January 28th, or "IV Kalends Februarii"), indicates that the feast was some class of “Double Feast” in Aachen. This is so, because the Proper gives a Prolix Responsory at both the First and Second Vespers of Charlemagne – the presence of two such responsories (and the doubling of the Antiphon upon the Magnificat) is the origin of the name “Double Feast.” Not having the Aachen Cathedral Kalendar from this period, I cannot say specifically what rank the feast had. We can make an educated guess, however.
These are the four ranks of Double Feasts
The Double Feasts (so called because the Antiphon on the Magnificat is doubled):
Principal - The greatest feasts: Easter, Christmas, etc.
Greater - Great feasts: Purification (Candlemas), Trinity Sunday, etc.
Lesser - Major Saints, Apostles, Prophets: St. John Baptist, All Saints, Michaelmas, etc.
Inferior - Important Saints, many Apostles' feasts, Ss. Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, etc.
One would not want to rule out the enthusiasm of Aachen's faithful - it is possible that they numbered Charlemagne's feast amongst the top two or three ranks of feasts; it is far more likely, however, that Charlemagne's feast was ranked amongst the Inferior Doubles. The Principal Doubles tended to have their readings diminished (employing only one Nocturne), as a part of the festivities; that at least, argues against the highest rank - combined with the impiety of numbering Charlemagne's feast day amongst the great days like Christmas, Pentecost and Easter!
Whatever rank it held in Aachen, when the feast was celebrated in other localities, its rank was highly variable. For example, St. Austin of Canterbury is an Inferior Double in England. But, it is unlikely that his feast was celebrated in Aachen at all. So, I have made the informed decision to celebrate Charlemagne's feast in Columbus as an Inferior Double; I believe this is the most probable ranking, anyway.
A feast of this rank impacts upon the more-or-less unchanging Ordo of the service. The "preces" - the reading of psalm 50 accompanied by "little capitularies" and a collect - would be omitted. Also, Vespers in the Sarum Usage could be tri-partite (or even quatri-partite), consisting of Vespers of the Day, of the Virgin, of the Dead, and of All Hallows. An Inferior Double calls for omission of all these - although most would be omitted anyway, seeing as the celebration takes place in Paschaltide according to the Orthodox Calendar. Paschaltide is the time between Pascha (Easter) and Pentecost.
On most Saturdays - a day especially consecrated to Our Lady - the Office of the Blessed Virgin is done fully, in Choir, following the daily Office. There is an exception to this rule, however, whereby this full service of the Blessed Virgin is not observed on any Ember Saturday or any Feast with "ruling of the choir." In those cases, the full service is observed on the prior day, and is omitted on the Feast itself. Because this is an Inferior Double Feast, it is a feast with "ruling of the choir," and thus the Little Vespers of the Virgin are not done in this celebration.
That completes the rather dry explanation of the service’ form. A very brief characterization of the service’ portrayal of Charlemagne is appropriate.
The services have a multi-dimensional appreciation for Charlemagne: as a saint in the broadest sense, as a righteous conqueror, and as a giver of the divine law. Some of the antiphons would be equally applicable to most other saints, emphasizing a holiness of personal life and a right ordering of his energies. But some are yet broader and more generic, seemingly appropriate to all classes of saints. At the Invitatory of Matins, this antiphon was repeated many times:
Humbly God implore
With devotion pure,
Who o'er the stars above
Raised Charles, whom He loved.
And this antiphon from the first Nocturne of Matins could just as easily be sung of St. Benedict:
By shores of hallowed brooks,
Firmly did Charles take root;
And as the flowers of spring
His fragrance forth did bring.
Yet, the particular aspects of Charlemagne's life are also celebrated. Some of these focus on his Christian upbringing from youth (as opposed to the still-common experience of converting into the Faith), such as a short one from Vespers,
Brought up in the sweentess
Of the Angelic cult,
When he was raised to high office,
Charles was fed on Bread from heaven.
Or another from Matins, which speaks of how Charlemagne was already wise and mature from an early age.
Jewel of Franks, O Charles,
Boy bearing an aged heart!
While yet a new pupil of the human lot
But in nowise acting childishly,
You spurned the world and were wary of wealth
Whilst following Christ, whom you loved.
Verse: Pressing to his breast the justice of the Divine Law,
He offered himself to God as a pleasant sacrifice.
In this antiphon, we see that he is revered as a cultor of the divine law. This sentiment is echoed in other places, as in the Antiphon upon the Magnificat, where Charles is called a "rule of virtue" and "highway of justice."
He is also celebrated as a righteous warrior and conqueror - especially as one who liberates Christians or brings about the conversion of Pagans. The Vespers Hymn celebrates him almost as another Christ, saying
O king, subduer of the world,
And emperor over the kings of Earth.
Of your flock, of this our throng,
Piously hear the pious tears.
At whose prayer death is fled away,
Life is given and languor fails,
Who from the rock make water to flow
And cleanse the nations in baptism.
One of the most interesting antiphons relates his violently pious exploits at Pamplona.
By the flowing prayer of his righteous mind
The walls of Pamplona were ruined.
The conqueror, in spurning the wretched cult [of Islam],
Has the survivors for his friends.
V:Mightier than the lion,
But meeker than the lamb;
He caused foreign hosts in baptism
To be reborn for Christ.
The texts also want to emphasize the universal acclaim (and one can infer therefrom, the legitimacy) of his rule:
With Frankia demanding it
And the Curia applauding it
WIth a royal sceptre beautified
And above all others lifted high
God esteemed him worthy
Of the royal glory.
V: A champion o'er the vices in the fray,
By Leo's hand the Emperor is made.
Perhaps the third Responsory from Matins best combines all of these themes:
As a Caesar supported
By earthly power's sword
So with justice of law
He galloped through his course
To win for himself the prize
Of glory and salvation.
Verse: Struggling manfully,
And faithfully bearing all things.
The hymnographer was at times very inventive and clever. It is a shame that his thoughts can hardly be preserved in translation. For example, the Antiphon ad Magnificat hails Charlemagne as
Terror hostiis, Hostia Victis
("Terror to foreign armies, Yet a sacrificial victim unto those conquered.")
In the Latin, obviously, the thought is more concise and also a bit "punny." The hymnographer is talented at drawing upon similar sounds, and playing off of various connotations with words and phrases. Perhaps the most charming example is the verse of the second Matins Responsory:
Vitiorum Triumphator
In Agone
Consecratur Imperator
A Leone.
Here the author sets forth the image of Charlemagne struggling "in agone," which would have unfailingly brought to mind the struggles of Christian martyrs in the arena (this word and phraseology is frequently used for such a purpose). This tends to also bring "lions" to mind. Here, the author embellishes upon the theme that those who torture the martyrs are in fact their greatest friends, since all the torments they inflict are actually crowns and ornaments upon the soon-to-be Saint in Glory. So, the lion (leone) crowns the martyr rather than eating him. Or, perhaps, crowns the martyr by eating him. But the lion in this antiphon also refers to another "Leo" altogether.
Yes, the "lion" is also the Pope: Pope Leo, who crowned Charlemagne on Christmas Day. The hymnographer has skillfully blended all this imagery to make a memorable play upon the name of the Pope that crowned Charlemagne. Normally Christians were devoured by lions set upon them by a Pagan Emperor. Now, a Christian emperor is crowned by a lion (Leo) in another sense, entirely.
There is, possibly, another reference to Leo (and St. Agnes) in the verse to the fourth Matins Responsory. Therein Charlemagne is Leoni fortior, sed Agno mitior. Perhaps the hymn's composer is boasting a bit about Charlemagne's accomplishments by making him greater than Pope St. Leo the Fourth (the leoni, than whom Charlemagne is fortior), and also greater than St. Agnes the Virgin Martyr (the agno, than whom Charlemagne is mitior). Why would the hymnographer want to make Charlemagne "meeker" than St. Agnes? Well, Charlemagne's new feast was composed for the Fourth of the Kalends of February. The same day as the secondary Feast of St. Agnes (the octave and crown of her feast, in fact), now demoted in Charles' favor!
A final point about this celebration of Vespers: the cathedral at Aachen, as we have all seen, was splendid. Doubtless there were many clerics there to chant the services, and they must have done so with skill. But, times have changed and we monks are fewer in numbers. And, when it comes to modern-day, Eastern Orthodox monks chanting 700-year old services from the Western, Latin Church... well, I'm sure the skill level is a bit lower, too. This is a humble service, and is nothing like it would have been in the Cathedral of Aachen on Charlemagne's Feast. Before rubrical purists and liturgical savants from the empyrean realms of glory take our humble brotherhood to task for the rubrical impurity of our performance, I would remind them that I am aware of its shortcomings. We are three monks. Only two of us can sing (poorly at that), and one of these is the priest, who is not free to join me in choir as he is celebrating the service.
Nevertheless, I know that even in the Western Church there was the mentality of "making do" with what one had, when this was necessary. St. Cuthbert chanted his hours in an abandoned little shack while travelling. St. Ceolfrith, after a plague wiped out all his monks besides a young boy (the Venerable St. Bede), attempted to chant the services in full with all the antiphons – but, broke down in tears and changed his mind, when he heard the antiphons sung by only their two, little voices. The Rule of our Holy Father Benedict grants permission to omit the antiphons entirely in small brotherhoods.
We have opted to sing the antiphons, according to our slight power - albeit in a simplified manner, not according to the original melodies. The hymn is sung in an ancient melody for Confessors' Feasts of Nine Lessons, and some of the antiphons for processions and commemorations are after ancient Sarum usage. But, the other propers for Charlemagne are being improvised. The purpose of this celebration is threefold: to allow future students in the "Court of Charlemagne" class to hear the words in which Charlemagne came to be venerated; to give some example of what a Medieval Vespers service is like; and lastly, to do something for the love of God, and to honor Him through honoring His servant Charles. The video can only be enjoyed, if at all, in this spirit.
I understand that the video is not yet posted (as of 5/30/08). I hope to see it here in the next two weeks. A word-for-word reproduction of the service (with rubrical explanations) follows this introductory material, for those unable to watch the celebration.
Charlemagne understood how important it is to learn and to struggle to better one's self. So, I will post here a fairly simple Antiphon from the "Second Vespers" of the Feast of St. Charlemagne. The Christian day, like the Jewish, begins and ends at Sundown, not midnight. The first Vespers introduces the feast on the evening “before” the Feast Day. The Second Vespers bids farewell to the Feast on the evening after. These, then, are the words with which the faithful in Aachen bade farewell to the Feast of St. Charlemagne - and they sum up the most affectionate of their sentiments towards him. In the spirit of the Carolingian Renaissance, I encourage you to brush up on your Latin and translate this one yourself:
O Dei sacer athleta, Carole,
O saxeae gentis apostole,
O vere confessor obsequio,
Virgo votis, martyrque studio,
Qui, Quem virtute potentis
Dexterae praedicasti
Mentibus sacrilegis
Paraclitum Inspirasti,
Mediante Sancto Aegidio
Sanctionis Dominicae Mysterio
Coelitus per Angelum collatam
Implora nobis peccatorum veniam. Amen.
Quaerendo invenietis - et, Deo Gratias.
Here Follows the Text of the
Vespers of Blessed Charlemagne
After the bell has finished tolling, the priest crosses himself and begins, softly:
+In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. Amen.
Our Father, Who art in heaven, hallowed be Thy name; Thy Kingdom come, Thy will be done, on earth as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors; and lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. Amen.
Hail Mary, Full of Grace; the Lord is with thee! Blessed art thou amongst women, and blessed is the Fruit of thy womb, Jesus.
All cross their foreheads, and the priest begins:
O God, attend unto mine assistance! [All join:] Lord, hasten to help me! +Glory to the Father and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit; as it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be, throughout all the ages of ages. Amen. Alleluya!
Now the psalms are sung, with their attendant antiphons.
Ps. 137
1 I will praise thee, O lord, with my whole heart: for thou hast heard the words of my mouth. I will sing praise to thee in the sight of his angels: 2 I will worship towards thy holy temple, and I will give glory to thy name. For thy mercy, and for thy truth: for thou hast magnified thy holy name above all. 3 In what day soever I shall call upon thee, hear me: thou shall multiply strength in my soul. 4 May all the kings of the earth give glory to thee: for they have heard all the words of thy mouth. 5 And let them sing in the ways of the Lord: for great is the glory of the Lord. 6 For the Lord is high, and looketh on the low: and the high he knoweth afar off. 7 If I shall walk in the midst of tribulation, thou wilt quicken me: and thou hast stretched forth thy hand against the wrath of my enemies: and thy right hand hath saved me. 8 The Lord will repay for me: thy mercy, O Lord, endureth for ever: O despise not the work of thy hands.
Ant. 1, mode 1d.
Born of Royal Stock
And approved by God,
Charles spurned this life's
Illicit contagions.
Ps. 138
1 Lord, thou hast proved me, and known me: 2 Thou hast know my sitting down, and my rising up. 3 Thou hast understood my thoughts afar off: my path and my line thou hast searched out. 4 And thou hast foreseen all my ways: for there is no speech in my tongue. 5 Behold, O Lord, thou hast known all things, the last and those of old: thou hast formed me, and hast laid thy hand upon me. 6 Thy knowledge is become wonderful to me: it is high, and I cannot reach to it. 7 Whither shall I go from thy spirit? or whither shall I flee from thy face? 8 If I ascend into heaven, thou art there: if I descend into hell, thou art present. 9 If I take my wings early in the morning, and dwell in the uttermost parts of the sea: 10 Even there also shall thy hand lead me: and thy right hand shall hold me. 11 And I said: Perhaps darkness shall cover me: and night shall be my light in my pleasures. 12 But darkness shall not be dark to thee, and night shall be light as day: the darkness thereof, and the light thereof are alike to thee. 13 For thou hast possessed my reins: thou hast protected me from my mother's womb. 14 I will praise thee, for thou art fearfully magnified: wonderful are thy works, and my soul knoweth right well. 15 My bone is not hidden from thee, which thou hast made in secret: and my substance in the lower parts of the earth. 16 Thy eyes did see my imperfect being, and in thy book all shall be written: days shall be formed, and no one in them. 17 But to me thy friends, O God, are made exceedingly honourable: their principality is exceedingly strengthened. 18 I will number them, and they shall be multiplied above the sand: I rose up and am still with thee. 19 If thou wilt kill the wicked, O God: ye men of blood, depart from me: 20 Because you say in thought: They shall receive thy cities in vain. 21 Have I not hated them, O Lord, that hated thee: and pine away because of thy enemies? 22 I have hated them with a perfect hatred: and they are become enemies to me. 23 Prove me, O God, and know my heart: examine me, and know my paths. 24 And see if there be in me the way of iniquity: and lead me in the eternal way.
Ant. 2; mode 2d
Brought up in the sweentess
Of the Angelic cult,
When he was raised to high office,
Charles was fed on Bread from heaven.
Ps. 139
1 Unto the end, a psalm for David. 2 Deliver me, O Lord, from the evil man: rescue me from the unjust man. 3 Who have devised iniquities in their hearts: all the day long they designed battles. 4 They have sharpened their tongues like a serpent: the venom of saps is under their lips. 5 Keep me, O Lord, from the hand of the wicked: and from unjust men deliver me. Who have proposed to supplant my steps. 6 The proud have hidden a net for me. And they have stretched out cords for a snare: they have laid for me a stumblingblock by the wayside. 7 I said to the Lord: Thou art my God: hear, O Lord, the voice of my supplication. 8 O Lord, Lord, the strength of my salvation: thou hast overshadowed my head in the day of battle. 9 Give me not up, O Lord, from my desire to the wicked: they have plotted against me; do not thou forsake me, lest they should triumph. 10 The head of them compassing me about: the labour of their lips shall overwhelm them. 11 Burning coals shall fall upon them; thou wilt cast them down into the fire: in miseries they shall not be able to stand. 12 A man full of tongue shall not be established in the earth: evil shall catch the unjust man unto destruction. 13 I know that the Lord will do justice to the needy, and will revenge the poor. 14 But as for the just, they shall give glory to thy name: and the upright shall dwell with thy countenance.
Ant. 3; mode 3e
The Caesar obtained
The holy effects of virtue;
His civilized compatriots
Spurned contemptible beguilements.
Ps. 140
1 I have cried to the, O Lord, hear me: hearken to my voice, when I cry to thee. 2 Let my prayer be directed as incense in thy sight; the lifting up of my hands, as evening sacrifice. 3 Set a watch, O Lord, before my mouth: and a door round about my lips. 4 Incline not my heart to evil words; to make excuses in sins. With men that work iniquity: and I will not communicate with the choicest of them. 5 The just shall correct me in mercy, and shall reprove me: but let not the oil of the sinner fatten my head. For my prayer also shall still be against the things with which they are well pleased: 6 Their judges falling upon the rock have been swallowed up. They shall hear my words, for they have prevailed: 7 As when the thickness of the earth is broken up upon the ground: Our bones are scattered by the side of hell. 8 But o to thee, O Lord, Lord, are my eyes: in thee have I put my trust, take not away my soul. 9 Keep me from the snare, which they have laid for me, and from the stumblingblocks of them that work iniquity. 10 The wicked shall fall in his net: I am alone until I pass.
Ant. 4; mode 4e
Equipped with the armament
Of the shield of righteous faith
By intellections he rose above
The torrid seething of sin.
Ps. 141
1 Of understanding for David. A prayer when he was in the cave. [1 Kings 24] 2 I cried to the Lord with my voice: with my voice I made supplication to the Lord. 3 In his sight I pour out my prayer, and before him I declare my trouble: 4 When my spirit failed me, then thou newest my paths. 5 I looked on my right hand, and beheld, and there was no one that would know me. Flight hath failed me: and there is no one that hath regard to my soul. 6 I cried to thee, O Lord: I said: Thou art my hope, my portion in the land of the living. 7 Attend to my supplication: for I am brought very low. Deliver me from my persecutors; for they are stronger than I. 8 Bring my soul out of prison, that I may praise thy name: the just wait for me, until thou reward me.
Ant. 5; mode 5f
Neither fear of the world,
Nor the avaricious error of lucre
Could subdue (his) mind,
Following the commands of Christ. The melismatic pneum for the tone is appended.
Now the Chapter is intoned.
He recieved the power to reign, and wrought what was pleasant in the eyes of the Lord : deeds like unto those done by his father. (II. Paralipomenon, chap. 29)
R: Thanks be to God.
The responsory is now chanted.
This soldier of Thine did follow Thee,
And Thou didst receive him.
Likened unto Elisaeus,
He wrought fitting works for God, Alleluya, Alleluya.
V: Who, whilst he prays, languor fails;
Death takes flight and life returns.
Likened unto Elisaeus, he wrought fitting works for God.
Glory be to the Father and to the Son, and to the Holy Spirit.
Alleluya, Alleluya.
This soldier of Thine did follow Thee,
And Thou didst receive him.
Likened unto Elisaeus,
He wrought fitting works for God, Alleluya, Alleluya.
Then the Vespers hymn for Charlemagne. A thurifer makes sure that the censer is prepared with a coal and incense.
O King, Subduer | of the World,
And Emperor over | the kings of Earth.
Of your flock, | of this our throng,
Piously hear the pious tears.
At whose prayer | death is fled away,
Life is given | and languor fails,
Who from the rock | makes water to flow
And cleanses the nations in baptism.
With skill | and nat'ral power
You shatter | unyielding city walls.
With pure prayer | paying vows to Christ,
Cutting down rebels with the sword.
O, how worthy | a slave of heaven,
A good and loyal | servant true,
He fortified | the earthly towers
And travelled to the place of peace.
Therefore strike | the iron rock,
Produce for us | the living fount!
Beseech our God | with tender prayer
And make Him to be mild towards us.
As the last verse of the hymn is sung, the priest removes his plain cope and enters the sanctuary, where he is met by a taper-bearer and the thurifer. There he replaces his plain with a more solemn cope.
+Ascribe greatness | to the Trinity,
Praise and honor | for the Unity,
Which, with might | of governing
Reigns rightly in co-equality. Amen.
The versicle following the hymn is intoned:
V: Percussisti omnes mihi adversantes sine causa.
(You have stricken all who oppose me without a cause.)
And all softly respond:
R: Dentes peccatorum contrivisti, Domine.
(You have shattered the teeth of sinners, O Lord.)
Now the Magnificat begins. While the cantor intones the incipit of its antiphon, the censer is brought to the priest by the thurifer, for the blessing as follows.
Thurifer. “Benedicite!” (Bless!)
Priest. “Dominus.” (The Lord Bless)
The priest then blesses the incense.
Priest. “Ab ipso benedicatur, in cujus honore cremabitur. + In Nomine Patrist, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti. Amen.”
(May it be blessed by Him, in Whose honour it shall be burnt. + In the name of the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. Amen.)
The priest does not yet take the censer, but makes a prostration before the High Altar. He then receives the censer from the thurifer and censes the altar – thrice in the middle, thrice on the right and thrice on the left. He then perambulates the altar, censing – especially being sure to cense the image of the Virgin in the sanctuary (or perhaps the Proskomide table w/Nativity Icon), and the ark of the relics, thrice each. He may then give the censer to the thurifer (or, continue himself). If he gives the censer to the thurifer, the priest is escorted back to his place in choir by taper-bearers and the thurifer shall cense the priest first of all. Then, whether it be the priest or the thurifer who censes, the censing continues with the choir (rulers of the choir first), followed by the people and the holy icons.
Throughout all this censing, the choir is chanting the Magnificat, with its antiphon.
My soul doth magnify the Lord.
And my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour.
Because he hath regarded the humility of his handmaid; for behold from henceforth all generations shall call me blessed.
Because he that is mighty, hath done great things to me; and holy is his name.
And his mercy is from generation unto generations, to them that fear him.
He hath shewed might in his arm: he hath scattered the proud in the conceit of their heart.
He hath put down the mighty from their seat, and hath exalted the humble.
He hath filled the hungry with good things; and the rich he hath sent empty away.
He hath received Israel his servant, being mindful of his mercy:
As he spoke to our fathers, to Abraham and to his seed for ever.
Ant. Ad Magnificat; mode 6f
O Hope to the afflicted,
Terror to hosts, Host to the conquered,
Rule of Virtue
Highway of justice, shape and figure of healing!
O Charles, gently receive
The votives of thy slaves. The melismatic pneum proper to the tone is appended.
Preces are omitted on a feast of this rank, the priest straightway chants, solemnly:
V: Dominus vobiscum. (The Lord be with you)
R: Et cum spiritu tuo. (And with thy spirit)
Oremus. Rex Regum, Domine Ds. Omns., Qui Beati Caroli arma et scripta multarum gentium conversione sanctificasti; conced, ut quem, ad Nominis Tui gloriam, victoriis et imperio decorasti in terris, Ecclesiae Tuae, quam tantopere dilexit atque defendit, patrocinetur in coelis. Per Dom.
(Translation: Let us pray. King of Kings, Lord God Almighty, Who sanctified both the arms and the writings of Blessed Charles with the conversion of many peoples : grant that he, whom you adorned on earth with victories and an empire, unto the glory of your Name, might also in the heavens be a patron unto Your Church, which he so greatly cherished and defended. We ask this through our Lord, Jesus Christ, Your Son, Who lives and reigns with You in the unity of the Holy Spirity as one God through all the ages of ages.)
All respond: Amen. The priest again chants, solemnly:
V: Dominus Vobiscum.
R: Et cum spiritu tuo.
A chanter intones the first Benedicamus.
Benedicamus Domino. (Let us bless the Lord).
And all respond:
Deo Gratias (Thanks be to God).
Then two commemorations are done, one of the Resurrection (it being Paschaltide),
Antiphon, tone 1.
The Lord is risen from the sepulchre,
Who for our sakes hung upon the Tree,
Allelluya, alleluya, alleluya.
V. Dominus Surrexit! (The Lord is Risen!)
R. Sicut dixit, alelluya! (As He said, alleluya!)
Oremus.
O God, Who by Thine Only-Begotten Son didst open wide for us today the door to eternal life, death having been destroyed : the prayers which, in preventing us, Thou dost inspire do Thou also, assisting us, bring to fruition – through Christ our Lord.
All reply. Amen.
Then is done the last commemoration, of the Holy Virgin:
Antiphon, tone 2.
The door to Paradise
Was shut to all mankind by Eve.
And it hath been opened again
By the Virgin Mary, Alleluya.
V. Post partum, Virgo, permansisti inviolata!
R: Sancta Deipara, intercede pro nobis, alleluya!
(V: After Childbirth, O Virgin, you remained inviolate!)
(R: Holy Theotokos, intercede for us, alleluya!)
Oremus.
Pour Thy grace into our souls, we pray Thee, O Lord : that we, who have known the Incarnation of Christ Thy Son by the tidings of an Angel may, through His Passion and Cross, be brought into the glory of the Resurrection. + Through the same Christ our Lord.
All reply: Amen. The priest again chants, in the solemn melody:
V: Dominus vobiscum.
R: Et cum spiritu tuo.
The final Benedicamus, in elaborate melody, is intoned by the choir.
Benedicamus Domino.
All reply: Deo Gratias.
The priest ends the actual service, exactly as it was begun:
+In the Name… Our Father… Hail, Mary…
The Vespers have now ended, but by custom there is made a procession to the shrine, altar or image of the Virgin Mary. All carry candles in their hands for the procession.
Antiphon, tone 6.
Rejoice, Queen of Heaven; rejoice, Lady of the Angels! Hail O Holy Root, by whom Light arose upon the world! Rejoice, glorious Lady, beautiful above all women! Most noble Lady, fare thee well, and forever pray to Christ for us, alleluya!
V: Sancta Deipara, Virgo Semper Maria,
R: Intercede pro nobis cum Domino Deo nostro, alleluya!
(V: Holy Theotokos, Ever Virgin Mary)
(R: Intercede for us with the Lord, our God, alleluya!)
Oremus.
Grant us Thy servants, we beseech Thee, Lord God, to rejoice in perpetual health of mind and body : and by the glorious intercession of the Blessed and Ever-Virgin Mary, grant that we may be delivered from present sorrow and reap the fruits of eternal joy. + Through our Lord, Jesus Christ, Thy Son, Who lives and reigns with Thee in the unity of the Holy Spirit, God through all the ages of ages.
All reply: Amen.
Here end the Vespers of Blessed Charlemagne - and Thanks be to God.
Bibliography
Keller, Fr. Aidan The Holy Psalter according to Sarum Usage (In preparation for publication)
Dreves, Guido M. and Blume, Clemens, editors Analecta Hymnica Medii Aevi, v. XXV, Leipzig: O.R. Reisland, 1897.
Morel, P. Gall, editor Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters Einsiedlen: Carl and Nicolaus Benziger, 1868.
Breviarium Noviomense ad Usum Regalis Ecclesiae Sancti Quintini, edited beneath the auspices of Bishop Joannis-Francisci de la Cropte de Bourzac, published in Paris cum Privilegio Regis Christianissimi, 1774.
Medieval Horses by Sarah Hopper
ara Hopper
Professor Grotans
Medieval History 210
31 May, 2008
Medieval Horses
Throughout history, horses have had an immeasurable impact on mankind. From long before the Roman Empire when man saw the horse as an animal that could provide speed, food, and transportation, to the days of the Wild West, the horse has always played a vital role in our history. However, perhaps the greatest era of horsemanship was the Middle Ages (a.k.a. the Medieval period). During this time, horses were used for everything from transport and agriculture to warfare. Medieval people began to breed the previously small horse to suit their needs, as well as create new technologies and methods to benefit even more from their equines. If it weren’t for the horse, the Middle Ages would have been a different place entirely.
The horses that we see in medieval art as well as the pastures of today were not always that way. During the Roman times horses were often so small that if one were to ride it, their feet may drag the ground, hardly the great warhorse we read about in stories. It was during this time that “the Romans first organized horse breeding on a large scale, both for chariot racing and for cavalry” (Davis). However, this breeding required special consideration for both the mare and sire, and during the decline of the Roman empire, this strict method of controlling the production of horses came to a halt, and the amount of feral (runaway domestic) horses increased leading to a serious shortage of good horses. This also led to the success of the Arabs during this time, who, having kept their breeding programs intact, were able to conquer Egypt, the North African coastline, and Spain (where they were halted by Charles Martel at Poi tiers) on there pureblood Arabian horses. These hardy horses were (and still are) known for their endurance and gave the Muslims the advantage they needed. The revival of the “Spanish horse” seems to have taken place around the 5th and 6th centuries, when “Frankish armies were first seen to have really large bodies of cavalry” (Clark). There are also many written accounts of the European admiration for good horses from people like Pope John VIII and Charlemagne. During his reign, it is written that Charlemagne “segregated his mares so that none but his special stallions had access to them…and prohibited the export of these stallions”(Davis) (much like weapons and armor under the capitularies?). This separation of stallions from mares and selective breeding became customary for war and riding horses during this time. Agricultural and workhorses however, were not given this same consideration and could often be ill fed and over-worked (even pregnant mares).
During the middle ages, horses were usually classified by type, rather than by breed (as they are today). These types often described what the horse could be used for, as well as its conformation. Perhaps the most well known and prized of these types was the destrier. The destrier was the medieval heavy warhorse, and was usually larger, stronger, and better trained than its counterparts. The destrier was also the “type desired by the most noble and wealthy knights, and was often described as the ideal “great warhorse” of the time” (Wikipedia). Another type of horse was the rouncy. These were the more “general purpose” type horses that could be used both for cavalry as well as for riding. Packhorses were often times smaller than the other types and stout in order to be able to carry loads over long distances. Other types of medieval horses consisted of the carthorse (which became more popular as roads were formed), coursers (warhorses that were slightly less desirable than the destrier), palfreys (well-bred horses that served many purposes for nobles), jennets (riding horses), hackneys (riding horses still in existence today), and hobbys (light cavalry). Warhorses during this time were also always stallions (unlike the Muslims who usually rode mares into battle), which were prized due to their high-strung, more vicious demeanors.
Medieval warhorses continued to make up more and more of the army as the Middle Ages wore on. This was the era in which the importance of the knight and his “heavy horse” was introduced. However, while this was the first time the heavy horse was widely used, evidence shows that the use of light cavalry had been used since the time of the Romans, and was also used to protect the Frankish empire from Al-Andalus. As time went on, these heavy cavalry began to lose their importance, and by the 14th century, knights would ride to battle only to dismount and fight on foot as technologies like siege weapons began to develop (which required transport for heavy draft-type horses). “Carolingian shields have been found that go from circular to the later kite shape which also suggest the move from mounted fighting to ground” (Hyland). By the late middle ages, the cavalry seems to have shifted back to the lighter, quicker warhorse that could be used for scouting.
Just as the fighting style in Medieval Europe evolved, so did their equipment and weaponry. For instance, the stirrup (which today is one of the most basic components of riding) first appeared in Europe around the 8th century, although “they appear to have come west from North Eastern China, where stirrups of the present-day type are recorded for the first time from tombs of the 4th century A.D.” (Clutton-Brock). However, despite this evidence, no one is yet able to definitively say exactly when stirrups were invented. No matter when they originally came about, stirrups still have proven to be a vital technology to Europe in the middle ages, and the opportunities they brought with them had a great impact on medieval warfare. Along with the development of a raised cantle and pommel, (front and back of the saddle) a knight could now be much more secure on his mount as well as being able to use a lance which required a lot of stability in order to be effective. Inventions such as the snaffle and curb bits, as well as spurs were also introduced during this time. Early knights were known to wear a plate-metal helmet and a coat of chain mail. As time went on these technologies (armor) also became more advanced and by the 11th century horses were also being given protective armor called bard (barding). During this early time when knights were still the essential part of the army, the armor gradually got heavier, the horses got larger, and power (at least for a little while) overcame agility on the battlefield. Even the journeys taken by knights were no small feat. “They were known to travel with two archers (both mounted), a squire (also mounted), a packhorse, two horses for the knight (to save his warhorse for battle), as well as his warhorse” (Davis). By the 1300’s all of this had changed. The knight was now taking a backseat to cavalry archers and skilled pikemen, and by the 1650’s, it seemed as though the large, powerful warhorse had seen its day and was no longer considered as useful.
Besides warfare, medieval horses were also detrimental to the livelihood of the people in everyday life. For instance, during the medieval period there were virtually no roads, (other than a few surviving Roman roads which were often times in various states of disrepair) so many people relied on horses for traveling long distances. These horses were usually ridden rather than used to pull a cart or carriage due to the lack of roadways. However, as more roads were eventually built, horse-drawn vehicles became more and more common. The Middle Ages also made use of the “pack horse” which would carry equipment on its back (ex: a pack horse would travel with a knight carrying supplies as he went on long journeys).
The middle ages were also the first time horses were commonly used for plowing and agricultural reasons. For instance “the “mouldboard plough” was developed during this time, which required heavier teams of horses (and oxen) but allowed the adoption of larger fields” (Wikipedia). The development of both the nailed horseshoe (which seems to have appeared around the 9th century, although some form of horseshoes had been used since the time of the Roman empire), and the horse collar (which was developed to receive power from the shoulders and chest of the animal rather than the neck as had been the tradition when using oxen) also allowed horses to eventually become the main source of agricultural power during these times.
The middle ages may be considered to be a “high-period” for the horse. This was the age when horses were depended on for everything from serving in battle to everyday usages like transport and agriculture. Without the horse, there would have been no medieval knights, and our world today would probably look much different. The medieval period showcases an era of new equine technologies such as the curb, snaffle, and nailed horseshoe, which are still used today, almost completely unchanged from almost 1000 years ago. Medieval breeds developed towards the end of the Middle Ages such as the Friesian and the Lippizaner are also still in existence, and continue to be some of the most scrutinized horses in our present day, many of which have been kept as pure as they were when the breeds were first developed. There are even equestrian practices and sports, which mirror the usages and training of the Middle Ages. For instance, the present-day equestrian sport of dressage was created to mirror some of the training of the old medieval warhorses. The Medieval horse allowed for the Middle Ages to become the great era that it is, and once again show the great impact that the horse has had throughout the entire history of mankind.
Works Cited
Clabby, John. The Natural History of the Horse. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1976.
Clark, John. The Medieval Horse and Its Equipment. Suffolk, UK: The Boydell Press, 2004.
Clutton-Brock, Juliet. Horse Power. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1992.
Davis, R.H.C. The Medieval Warhorse. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd, 1989.
Hyland, Ann. The Medieval Warhorse: From Byzantium to the Crusades. United Kingdom: Alan Sutton Publishing Limited, 1994.
Vernon, Arthur. The History and Romance of the Horse. New York, New York: Dover Publications, 1946.
Wikipedia. (May 12, 2008). Horses in the Middle Ages. Retrieved May 9th, 2008, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horses_in_the_
Professor Grotans
Medieval History 210
31 May, 2008
Medieval Horses
Throughout history, horses have had an immeasurable impact on mankind. From long before the Roman Empire when man saw the horse as an animal that could provide speed, food, and transportation, to the days of the Wild West, the horse has always played a vital role in our history. However, perhaps the greatest era of horsemanship was the Middle Ages (a.k.a. the Medieval period). During this time, horses were used for everything from transport and agriculture to warfare. Medieval people began to breed the previously small horse to suit their needs, as well as create new technologies and methods to benefit even more from their equines. If it weren’t for the horse, the Middle Ages would have been a different place entirely.
The horses that we see in medieval art as well as the pastures of today were not always that way. During the Roman times horses were often so small that if one were to ride it, their feet may drag the ground, hardly the great warhorse we read about in stories. It was during this time that “the Romans first organized horse breeding on a large scale, both for chariot racing and for cavalry” (Davis). However, this breeding required special consideration for both the mare and sire, and during the decline of the Roman empire, this strict method of controlling the production of horses came to a halt, and the amount of feral (runaway domestic) horses increased leading to a serious shortage of good horses. This also led to the success of the Arabs during this time, who, having kept their breeding programs intact, were able to conquer Egypt, the North African coastline, and Spain (where they were halted by Charles Martel at Poi tiers) on there pureblood Arabian horses. These hardy horses were (and still are) known for their endurance and gave the Muslims the advantage they needed. The revival of the “Spanish horse” seems to have taken place around the 5th and 6th centuries, when “Frankish armies were first seen to have really large bodies of cavalry” (Clark). There are also many written accounts of the European admiration for good horses from people like Pope John VIII and Charlemagne. During his reign, it is written that Charlemagne “segregated his mares so that none but his special stallions had access to them…and prohibited the export of these stallions”(Davis) (much like weapons and armor under the capitularies?). This separation of stallions from mares and selective breeding became customary for war and riding horses during this time. Agricultural and workhorses however, were not given this same consideration and could often be ill fed and over-worked (even pregnant mares).
During the middle ages, horses were usually classified by type, rather than by breed (as they are today). These types often described what the horse could be used for, as well as its conformation. Perhaps the most well known and prized of these types was the destrier. The destrier was the medieval heavy warhorse, and was usually larger, stronger, and better trained than its counterparts. The destrier was also the “type desired by the most noble and wealthy knights, and was often described as the ideal “great warhorse” of the time” (Wikipedia). Another type of horse was the rouncy. These were the more “general purpose” type horses that could be used both for cavalry as well as for riding. Packhorses were often times smaller than the other types and stout in order to be able to carry loads over long distances. Other types of medieval horses consisted of the carthorse (which became more popular as roads were formed), coursers (warhorses that were slightly less desirable than the destrier), palfreys (well-bred horses that served many purposes for nobles), jennets (riding horses), hackneys (riding horses still in existence today), and hobbys (light cavalry). Warhorses during this time were also always stallions (unlike the Muslims who usually rode mares into battle), which were prized due to their high-strung, more vicious demeanors.
Medieval warhorses continued to make up more and more of the army as the Middle Ages wore on. This was the era in which the importance of the knight and his “heavy horse” was introduced. However, while this was the first time the heavy horse was widely used, evidence shows that the use of light cavalry had been used since the time of the Romans, and was also used to protect the Frankish empire from Al-Andalus. As time went on, these heavy cavalry began to lose their importance, and by the 14th century, knights would ride to battle only to dismount and fight on foot as technologies like siege weapons began to develop (which required transport for heavy draft-type horses). “Carolingian shields have been found that go from circular to the later kite shape which also suggest the move from mounted fighting to ground” (Hyland). By the late middle ages, the cavalry seems to have shifted back to the lighter, quicker warhorse that could be used for scouting.
Just as the fighting style in Medieval Europe evolved, so did their equipment and weaponry. For instance, the stirrup (which today is one of the most basic components of riding) first appeared in Europe around the 8th century, although “they appear to have come west from North Eastern China, where stirrups of the present-day type are recorded for the first time from tombs of the 4th century A.D.” (Clutton-Brock). However, despite this evidence, no one is yet able to definitively say exactly when stirrups were invented. No matter when they originally came about, stirrups still have proven to be a vital technology to Europe in the middle ages, and the opportunities they brought with them had a great impact on medieval warfare. Along with the development of a raised cantle and pommel, (front and back of the saddle) a knight could now be much more secure on his mount as well as being able to use a lance which required a lot of stability in order to be effective. Inventions such as the snaffle and curb bits, as well as spurs were also introduced during this time. Early knights were known to wear a plate-metal helmet and a coat of chain mail. As time went on these technologies (armor) also became more advanced and by the 11th century horses were also being given protective armor called bard (barding). During this early time when knights were still the essential part of the army, the armor gradually got heavier, the horses got larger, and power (at least for a little while) overcame agility on the battlefield. Even the journeys taken by knights were no small feat. “They were known to travel with two archers (both mounted), a squire (also mounted), a packhorse, two horses for the knight (to save his warhorse for battle), as well as his warhorse” (Davis). By the 1300’s all of this had changed. The knight was now taking a backseat to cavalry archers and skilled pikemen, and by the 1650’s, it seemed as though the large, powerful warhorse had seen its day and was no longer considered as useful.
Besides warfare, medieval horses were also detrimental to the livelihood of the people in everyday life. For instance, during the medieval period there were virtually no roads, (other than a few surviving Roman roads which were often times in various states of disrepair) so many people relied on horses for traveling long distances. These horses were usually ridden rather than used to pull a cart or carriage due to the lack of roadways. However, as more roads were eventually built, horse-drawn vehicles became more and more common. The Middle Ages also made use of the “pack horse” which would carry equipment on its back (ex: a pack horse would travel with a knight carrying supplies as he went on long journeys).
The middle ages were also the first time horses were commonly used for plowing and agricultural reasons. For instance “the “mouldboard plough” was developed during this time, which required heavier teams of horses (and oxen) but allowed the adoption of larger fields” (Wikipedia). The development of both the nailed horseshoe (which seems to have appeared around the 9th century, although some form of horseshoes had been used since the time of the Roman empire), and the horse collar (which was developed to receive power from the shoulders and chest of the animal rather than the neck as had been the tradition when using oxen) also allowed horses to eventually become the main source of agricultural power during these times.
The middle ages may be considered to be a “high-period” for the horse. This was the age when horses were depended on for everything from serving in battle to everyday usages like transport and agriculture. Without the horse, there would have been no medieval knights, and our world today would probably look much different. The medieval period showcases an era of new equine technologies such as the curb, snaffle, and nailed horseshoe, which are still used today, almost completely unchanged from almost 1000 years ago. Medieval breeds developed towards the end of the Middle Ages such as the Friesian and the Lippizaner are also still in existence, and continue to be some of the most scrutinized horses in our present day, many of which have been kept as pure as they were when the breeds were first developed. There are even equestrian practices and sports, which mirror the usages and training of the Middle Ages. For instance, the present-day equestrian sport of dressage was created to mirror some of the training of the old medieval warhorses. The Medieval horse allowed for the Middle Ages to become the great era that it is, and once again show the great impact that the horse has had throughout the entire history of mankind.
Works Cited
Clabby, John. The Natural History of the Horse. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1976.
Clark, John. The Medieval Horse and Its Equipment. Suffolk, UK: The Boydell Press, 2004.
Clutton-Brock, Juliet. Horse Power. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1992.
Davis, R.H.C. The Medieval Warhorse. London: Thames and Hudson Ltd, 1989.
Hyland, Ann. The Medieval Warhorse: From Byzantium to the Crusades. United Kingdom: Alan Sutton Publishing Limited, 1994.
Vernon, Arthur. The History and Romance of the Horse. New York, New York: Dover Publications, 1946.
Wikipedia. (May 12, 2008). Horses in the Middle Ages. Retrieved May 9th, 2008, from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Horses_in_the_
Medieval Hunting by Tyson Hass
Tyson Hass
Med Stds 210
Grotans
Medieval Hunting
Hunting in the medieval world was a large event that involved many people, animals and stages.
Hart was the most hunted animal in many of the medieval countries (Cummins 32). A hart is a male deer that is usually red. The hart was hunted for many reasons that include its noble appearance and agility making hunting these creatures a challenge to kill (Cummins 32). According to Warneke the hart was regarded as one of the noblest creatures of creation and it even had religious symbolism to some by comparing the hart to Christ shedding his blood for salvation (Warneke 2006).The meat of a hart, venison, was a staple to both the royal and aristocratic people of the medieval world (Cummins 32).
The hunting of harts was usually done by using hounds and killing harts that were at least a “hart of ten”, which means the animal had to have at least ten tines on his antlers (Cumming 32). According to Johnson (2004) “Hounds were an indispensable part of the hunt and while the finer points are deeply contested, the role of the hound is never questioned” (pg. 4). The season for hunting these animals varied by country but usually was somewhere between June and September (Cummins 33).
The technique of hunting with hounds was divided into many distinct stages: the quest, the assembly, the relays, the moving, the chase, the death, the unmaking and the curee (Cummins 33).
The quest portion of the hunt was where many of the best huntsmen would go and seek out the best available hart in an area, ideally the group was looking for a hart that was better than just a hart of ten (Cummins 33 and 34). Each hunter in the group had a lymer, which is a hound with very good scenting abilities. These lymers were trained to work on a leash and to pick up and follow a hart’s scent (Cummins 34). According to Cummins the basic reason for this stage was to both gather evidence for the location and suitability for hunting several harts, in order for a decision to be made as to where to begin the hunt (34).
The evidence that the huntsmen would look for were such things as tracks, frayings of bark where a hart may have rubbed the velvet off its antlers, flattened grass where the hart would have laid down and hart droppings. Some of these pieces of evidence could be used to determine whether or not the animal was a hart of ten or not (Cummins 34). The German hunters made track examination an interesting science, where they used such things as depth, width and relative position to tell how old and big a hart might be (Cummins 34). Another way that a huntsman may get evidence is by tying his lymer to a tree and climbing it to get a view of the hart he is tracking (Cummins 35). After collecting all of this evidence the huntsmen would return to the assembly and show what he had collected and tell what he knew (Cummins 35).
The assembly was both a social gathering and a meeting used for planning the hunt (Cummins 35). The assembly would eat a breakfast together and when the huntsmen came back and put their evidence on the table, each huntsman would propose a case for hunting the hart they found (Cummins 35). After viewing the evidence collected by the huntsmen and hearing what they saw, the assembly would discuss and eventually decide which hart they would hunt that day (Cummins 36).
When a decision had been made as to which hart to hunt, the next stage began called the relays. This was a precise way of positioning the hounds in small packs along the direction the hart was expected to run, once it was stirred (Cummins 36). The packs were position based on the lie of the land and the previous experience each had (Cummins 37). Knowing each hound individually well was a quality essential for huntsmen to have so they could decide where each would run in the pack based on their strengths and weaknesses (Taggart 2007). According to Cummins a huntsman who was stationed with a relay of hounds would not release them as soon as they saw the hart, instead he waited until at least half of the hounds pursuing had past before letting them go (37). The reason for doing this was that the fresh excitement of the hounds just released might add vigor to the tired hounds that had started the chase (Cummins 37). It was important to not release the hounds before the hart had passed because the hounds needed to take up the scent in pursuit of the hart and not in the other direction which let to total confusion and chaos (Cummins 37).
The next stage of the hunt was called the moving. This was basically where the hounds would start the hart moving to begin the chase. The lymer was the most important part of this stage of the hunt in making sure the hounds took the scent of the correct hart and not a different one (Cummins 38). Keeping the lymer’s nose to the ground was very important so that it did not lose the scent, so the huntsman would use encouraging words to keep his lymer on the correct track (Cummins 38).
If the hunter came upon the area where the hart was resting he would usually use his hand or face to feel the warmth of the bedded area to tell how recent it was that the hart was there (Cummins 38). The hunter could also tell a lot by the tracks left by the animal. If the tracks leaving the bedding area were deep and spread wide, he could tell that the hart was probably running because of fear meaning they were close (Cummins 38). When the huntsman found a piece of evidence that led him to believe they were close he would blow a horn signaling all the other hounds to be brought near and unleashed (Cummins 39).
During the chase, the next stage, the success of the hunt normally depended on how well the hounds could keep on the scent of the hart they were pursuing and not to be thrown of track by other animals or the elusiveness of the hart (Cummins 39). It was also important that the huntsmen encourage the hounds and listen to the frequency and vigor of the hounds cries because they were informative (Cummins 39). The horn was also important for this stage of the hunt. It was used to not only encourage the hounds to help tell information about the hunt, like how far the hounds were from the hart, if the hart went into the water and other positioning instructions of the hounds (Cummins 40).
When the hart ran out of all of its resources and elusiveness and was surrounded by the hounds the huntsmen would sound the horn to inform any other hunters who had not unleashed their hounds to do so (Cummins 40). The hart was kept at bay like this until the arrival of the lord, but could not wait for too long because of the possibility of the trapped hart injuring or killing one of the hounds (Cummins 40 and 41). When the time finally came to kill the animal it was usually done by piecing its heart by thrusting a sword right behind its shoulder (Cummins 41). The other way of killing the hart was to approach it from the back while it was focused on the hounds and cut one of the main tendons of its rear legs; this was called hamstringing, and was effective for reducing the danger to the huntsman himself (Cummins 41). When the animal was dead all the huntsmen blew the horns again to signify the death and a successful hunt (Cummins 41).
After the death of the hart the next stage called the unmaking began. According to Cummins (1988) “The most striking and imposition of ceremonial on activities essentially practical came after the death, in the flaying and butchering of the animal and in the curee” (pg. 41). The hart was precisely taken apart often by the king or the most distinguished person present, it was taken apart very precisely and ritualistically (Cummins 41). Special instruments for butchering the animal were carried such as knives and small forks for handling delicate pieces of meat that were usually decorated with gold or precious stones (Cummins 41). While butchering the dead hart the hounds and lymer were allowed to eat at the meat of the hart’s neck for a short period of time to reinforce their work for a successful hunt after which they were chained up (Cummins 41). The unmaking was not always done at the site of death; it was sometimes postponed until returning to the hunting lodge which was often helpful in encouraging the hounds to return home after a long hunt because of the reward the would receive upon arrival (Cummins 42).
The final stage was the curee. This was the ritual rewarding of the hounds (Cummins 44). The reason for this was to help train the hounds and help them associate the sight and smell of a hart to the reward of its meat (Cummins 44). The curee was usually a mix of the hart’s blood, small intestine (which was emptied, washed and chopped), and sometimes heart, lungs, and liver all mixed with bread (Cummins 44). Sometimes this mixture was made in the empty body cavity of the hart before butchering (Cummins 44). Finally the lymer was usually rewarded a little more than the hounds, usually by being allowed to tear some meat from the hart’s head (Cummins 45).
Medieval hunting was clearly a large event that involved many people, animals and stages. Every stage had a very important part to play in the success of the hunt. Due to these stages teamwork and rituals were critical for success.
Bibliography
Cummins, John. (1988). The Hound and the Hawk: The Art of Medieval Hunting. New
York: St. Martin’s Press.
Johnson, Loreena. (2004). The hochs Jagd – The High Hunt. Cockatrice: The Lochac
Arts and Sciences Magazine, (issue 23). Retrieved May 25, 2008, from
http://www.sca.org.au/cockatrice/uploads/issue23_high_hunt.pdf
Taggart, Talbot Mac. (2007). Training for a Career in the Hunt. Retrieved May 23, 2008,
From http://www.vanishedwood.org/castle/library/articles/hunt.php
Warneke, Sara. (2006). Medieval Attitudes to Animals. Retrieved May 23, 2008, from
http://www.gardenhistoryinfo.com/medieval/medanimals01.html
May 30, 2008 11:34 AM
Med Stds 210
Grotans
Medieval Hunting
Hunting in the medieval world was a large event that involved many people, animals and stages.
Hart was the most hunted animal in many of the medieval countries (Cummins 32). A hart is a male deer that is usually red. The hart was hunted for many reasons that include its noble appearance and agility making hunting these creatures a challenge to kill (Cummins 32). According to Warneke the hart was regarded as one of the noblest creatures of creation and it even had religious symbolism to some by comparing the hart to Christ shedding his blood for salvation (Warneke 2006).The meat of a hart, venison, was a staple to both the royal and aristocratic people of the medieval world (Cummins 32).
The hunting of harts was usually done by using hounds and killing harts that were at least a “hart of ten”, which means the animal had to have at least ten tines on his antlers (Cumming 32). According to Johnson (2004) “Hounds were an indispensable part of the hunt and while the finer points are deeply contested, the role of the hound is never questioned” (pg. 4). The season for hunting these animals varied by country but usually was somewhere between June and September (Cummins 33).
The technique of hunting with hounds was divided into many distinct stages: the quest, the assembly, the relays, the moving, the chase, the death, the unmaking and the curee (Cummins 33).
The quest portion of the hunt was where many of the best huntsmen would go and seek out the best available hart in an area, ideally the group was looking for a hart that was better than just a hart of ten (Cummins 33 and 34). Each hunter in the group had a lymer, which is a hound with very good scenting abilities. These lymers were trained to work on a leash and to pick up and follow a hart’s scent (Cummins 34). According to Cummins the basic reason for this stage was to both gather evidence for the location and suitability for hunting several harts, in order for a decision to be made as to where to begin the hunt (34).
The evidence that the huntsmen would look for were such things as tracks, frayings of bark where a hart may have rubbed the velvet off its antlers, flattened grass where the hart would have laid down and hart droppings. Some of these pieces of evidence could be used to determine whether or not the animal was a hart of ten or not (Cummins 34). The German hunters made track examination an interesting science, where they used such things as depth, width and relative position to tell how old and big a hart might be (Cummins 34). Another way that a huntsman may get evidence is by tying his lymer to a tree and climbing it to get a view of the hart he is tracking (Cummins 35). After collecting all of this evidence the huntsmen would return to the assembly and show what he had collected and tell what he knew (Cummins 35).
The assembly was both a social gathering and a meeting used for planning the hunt (Cummins 35). The assembly would eat a breakfast together and when the huntsmen came back and put their evidence on the table, each huntsman would propose a case for hunting the hart they found (Cummins 35). After viewing the evidence collected by the huntsmen and hearing what they saw, the assembly would discuss and eventually decide which hart they would hunt that day (Cummins 36).
When a decision had been made as to which hart to hunt, the next stage began called the relays. This was a precise way of positioning the hounds in small packs along the direction the hart was expected to run, once it was stirred (Cummins 36). The packs were position based on the lie of the land and the previous experience each had (Cummins 37). Knowing each hound individually well was a quality essential for huntsmen to have so they could decide where each would run in the pack based on their strengths and weaknesses (Taggart 2007). According to Cummins a huntsman who was stationed with a relay of hounds would not release them as soon as they saw the hart, instead he waited until at least half of the hounds pursuing had past before letting them go (37). The reason for doing this was that the fresh excitement of the hounds just released might add vigor to the tired hounds that had started the chase (Cummins 37). It was important to not release the hounds before the hart had passed because the hounds needed to take up the scent in pursuit of the hart and not in the other direction which let to total confusion and chaos (Cummins 37).
The next stage of the hunt was called the moving. This was basically where the hounds would start the hart moving to begin the chase. The lymer was the most important part of this stage of the hunt in making sure the hounds took the scent of the correct hart and not a different one (Cummins 38). Keeping the lymer’s nose to the ground was very important so that it did not lose the scent, so the huntsman would use encouraging words to keep his lymer on the correct track (Cummins 38).
If the hunter came upon the area where the hart was resting he would usually use his hand or face to feel the warmth of the bedded area to tell how recent it was that the hart was there (Cummins 38). The hunter could also tell a lot by the tracks left by the animal. If the tracks leaving the bedding area were deep and spread wide, he could tell that the hart was probably running because of fear meaning they were close (Cummins 38). When the huntsman found a piece of evidence that led him to believe they were close he would blow a horn signaling all the other hounds to be brought near and unleashed (Cummins 39).
During the chase, the next stage, the success of the hunt normally depended on how well the hounds could keep on the scent of the hart they were pursuing and not to be thrown of track by other animals or the elusiveness of the hart (Cummins 39). It was also important that the huntsmen encourage the hounds and listen to the frequency and vigor of the hounds cries because they were informative (Cummins 39). The horn was also important for this stage of the hunt. It was used to not only encourage the hounds to help tell information about the hunt, like how far the hounds were from the hart, if the hart went into the water and other positioning instructions of the hounds (Cummins 40).
When the hart ran out of all of its resources and elusiveness and was surrounded by the hounds the huntsmen would sound the horn to inform any other hunters who had not unleashed their hounds to do so (Cummins 40). The hart was kept at bay like this until the arrival of the lord, but could not wait for too long because of the possibility of the trapped hart injuring or killing one of the hounds (Cummins 40 and 41). When the time finally came to kill the animal it was usually done by piecing its heart by thrusting a sword right behind its shoulder (Cummins 41). The other way of killing the hart was to approach it from the back while it was focused on the hounds and cut one of the main tendons of its rear legs; this was called hamstringing, and was effective for reducing the danger to the huntsman himself (Cummins 41). When the animal was dead all the huntsmen blew the horns again to signify the death and a successful hunt (Cummins 41).
After the death of the hart the next stage called the unmaking began. According to Cummins (1988) “The most striking and imposition of ceremonial on activities essentially practical came after the death, in the flaying and butchering of the animal and in the curee” (pg. 41). The hart was precisely taken apart often by the king or the most distinguished person present, it was taken apart very precisely and ritualistically (Cummins 41). Special instruments for butchering the animal were carried such as knives and small forks for handling delicate pieces of meat that were usually decorated with gold or precious stones (Cummins 41). While butchering the dead hart the hounds and lymer were allowed to eat at the meat of the hart’s neck for a short period of time to reinforce their work for a successful hunt after which they were chained up (Cummins 41). The unmaking was not always done at the site of death; it was sometimes postponed until returning to the hunting lodge which was often helpful in encouraging the hounds to return home after a long hunt because of the reward the would receive upon arrival (Cummins 42).
The final stage was the curee. This was the ritual rewarding of the hounds (Cummins 44). The reason for this was to help train the hounds and help them associate the sight and smell of a hart to the reward of its meat (Cummins 44). The curee was usually a mix of the hart’s blood, small intestine (which was emptied, washed and chopped), and sometimes heart, lungs, and liver all mixed with bread (Cummins 44). Sometimes this mixture was made in the empty body cavity of the hart before butchering (Cummins 44). Finally the lymer was usually rewarded a little more than the hounds, usually by being allowed to tear some meat from the hart’s head (Cummins 45).
Medieval hunting was clearly a large event that involved many people, animals and stages. Every stage had a very important part to play in the success of the hunt. Due to these stages teamwork and rituals were critical for success.
Bibliography
Cummins, John. (1988). The Hound and the Hawk: The Art of Medieval Hunting. New
York: St. Martin’s Press.
Johnson, Loreena. (2004). The hochs Jagd – The High Hunt. Cockatrice: The Lochac
Arts and Sciences Magazine, (issue 23). Retrieved May 25, 2008, from
http://www.sca.org.au/cockatrice/uploads/issue23_high_hunt.pdf
Taggart, Talbot Mac. (2007). Training for a Career in the Hunt. Retrieved May 23, 2008,
From http://www.vanishedwood.org/castle/library/articles/hunt.php
Warneke, Sara. (2006). Medieval Attitudes to Animals. Retrieved May 23, 2008, from
http://www.gardenhistoryinfo.com/medieval/medanimals01.html
May 30, 2008 11:34 AM
Thursday, May 29, 2008
Aachen’s Palatine Chapel: An Architectural Example of the Carolingian Renaissance
“Situated at the westernmost tip of Germany, close to the frontiers of The Netherlands and Belgium, Aachen once symbolized the political and cultural unity of the Carolingian empire” (Lepie, Wentzler). Even today
In his own time, Charlemagne was “[eager] to establish the imperial past . . . [by encouraging] the use of Roman building techniques” (Kleiner, Mamiya 313). The inspiration for the Palatine Chapel, like many buildings constructed during the Carolingian Era, came from the
Simply looking at cross sections of the two churches shows a very similar structure; both are in the circular basilica design after the early Christian model (Kleinbauer). As well, they both consist of “a two-storey-high octagonal rotunda encircled by a sixteen-sided ambulatory” (Lepie, Wentzler). The influence of San Vitale is further enhanced by the “imported porphyry (purple marble) columns from
However, the plan for
But clearly the most important aspect of the Palatine Chapel is Charlemagne’s throne. It is probably one of the most symbolic elements of the chapel. Not only did Charlemagne want to be seen as the successor to the Roman emperors, but he also wanted to show his power in both secular and religious arenas. Charlemagne proved to be very important in the development of the Catholic Church and implementing religion onto his subjects, “issuing reform directives to the clergy, strengthening the church administration, and protecting the papacy” (Wren, Wren, Carter 196). So much so that he would later be crowned Holy Roman Emperor by the Pope on Christmas Day 800. By placing a throne inside of his chapel, Charlemagne merged his secular authority with his religious ties. And, after his coronation by the Pope, Charlemagne was truly a leader of both religion and secular law. And his throne showed that strong connection all the way to the year 1531, with every Holy Roman Emperor and Germanic king being crowned on that throne in the Palatine Chapel (Kleinbauer 3).
Charlemagne’s Palatine Chapel can be considered a symbol of his legacy and reign. He reinvented imperial power, aided church reform, and centralized his secular power. The Palatine Chapel in Aachen shows all of this through its architectural design; it is a shining example of the Carolingian Renaissance.
Works Cited and Consulted
Kleinbauer, W.
Gesta, Vol 4 (1965): 2-11
Kleiner, Fred S., and Christin J. Mamiya. Gardner’s Art Through the Ages: The Western
Perspective. 12th ed.
Lepie, Herta, and Roland Wentzler. “The Stones of
Nov 1991.
Wren, Linnea Holmer, David J. Wren, and Janine M. Carter. Perspectives on Western
Art.
Medieval Flail
Medieval Flail
By Mark Moore
The medieval flail is a weapon consisting of one or more weights attached to a handle by a hinge or chain. There are many names that can be mistakenly used for this weapon: the morning star and mace are the two most common. These terms describe weapons that are very different from the chain or hinged weapon that the flail is. However there are similarities between the three weapons: they each contain a head with spikes on it. Thus it is acceptable to use the name morning star when referring to the flail. The difference lies in the whip like action in which the flail uses, due to its hinge or chain.
The term morning star actually refers to the head of the weapon, which is a small round spiked ball. This can be used either for a flail or a morning star mace. Flails sometimes do not even contain morning stars with spikes. Many times there were blunt objects attached to a shaft by chain or hinge.
History of the Flail
The flail originated as a tool for agriculture. The term flail was given first to a farming tool used to separate wheat from its husks. This beginning variation of the weapon usually contained a block of wood attached to handle by either a piece or leather or rope. It was eventually was discovered to be a useful weapon by these farmers when they were called up for military service. The tool eventually became more dangerous when spikes were added.
Eventually, special military flails were made. The pictures of these weapons are ones that most people identify them with. These pictures portray a short stick with a chain and spiked metal ball. Sometimes referred as the “ball and chain,” this infantry weapon type was most commonly used during the middle ages in the 13th century. The weapon consists of a mace or morning star, with the handle being replaced by a chain, and thus connecting to a shorter handle. Soldiers who used this weapon generally grasped the handle with either one or two hands, and made a swinging motion toward enemies during battle. Maximum damages to enemies occurred when soldiers would swing the weapon above their head in a circular motion to gain momentum.
Description of the Flail
• Flails were used as armor fighting weapons. It eventually was developed into an elaborately spiked steel war club, from a steel ball on a wooden handle.
• Flails were not only used by foot soldiers, but by those of horseback as well.
• Knights that used this weapon generally had smaller and lighter versions for comfort and less stress.
• During the Middle Ages the flail was made of a spiked metal ball attached to a handle or club by a hinge or chain.
• The morning star portion of the flail originated on the mace. The first mace was basically a metal ball mounted on a club.
• The weapon eventually became stronger and more dangerous when multiple chains and balls were attached to the shaft.
• The addition of the chain allowed for the wielder to gain a greater amount of momentum before striking the enemy.
• The flail was a highly effective offensive weapon, but it lacked a great deal with defense. There were few ways for the wielders of the weapon to defend themselves using only the weapon. A shield was needed.
• The flail was used as a close contact weapon.
• The weapon struck with so much force and momentum that it could cause a great deal of injury to knights wearing armor.
• The weapon was primarily used for bludgeoning an opponent.
Flail Training
Skills for using medieval weapons were acquired by understanding Medieval Warfare strategy. This aspect was a vital part of life during this time. The following training is required by knights to use the flail:
• The training method practiced in the use of the flail was based on strength and accuracy in hitting the target, increasing the momentum to increase the force.
• During practice flails were blunted or wooden. A hit was scored when contact was made in a defined target area.
How to Make Your Own Flail
Required Materials:
• 3 inch sphere: This will be used for the ball of the flail.
• 1.25 inch diameter wooden dowel rod at least 24 inces in length: This will be used as the shaft for the flail.
• 2 threaded screw eyes: These will be used to attach the chain to the shaft and the ball to the chain.
• 10-12 inches of chain: This will obviously serve as the chain for the flail.
• 10 inch leather strap: This will be used to make a grip for the handle
• Cabinet door knob: This will be used for that pommel of the flail. Some flails had pommels just to make the weapon have a better weight distribution.
• Needle nosed pliers
• Electrical Tape
• Super Glue
Construction:
• Cut your dowel rod to 24 inches in length. In this case I cut mine to 30 inches in length.
• Next screw one of the eye hooks into the end of the rod.
• Then use needle nosed pliers to open the eye so it is possible to put one end of the chain inside, and once inside close the eye.
• Next open the other eye hook with the pliers and attach it to the sphere.
• Attach the other end of the chain to the ball and close the eye hook.
• Put a small amount of super glue around the hole where the hook is located for strength.
• Next make the grip. Use some electrical tape to tape down one end of the leather strap and wrap it around the handle until the desired size of the grip is achieved, or until leather is gone.
• Finally, super glue the cabinet door knob to the opposite end of the dowel rod to create a pommel.
Bibliography
Devries, Kelley. Medieval Military Technology. Copyright 1992, Broadview Press
Limited, Orchard Park, New York. Pages 25-28
Http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flail_%28weapon%29. Pages 1-2. 3 May 2008
Poor Man’s Flail. http://www.geocities.com/Area51/Cavern/4200.pflail.html?200812
Pages 1-2. 3 May 2008
By Mark Moore
The medieval flail is a weapon consisting of one or more weights attached to a handle by a hinge or chain. There are many names that can be mistakenly used for this weapon: the morning star and mace are the two most common. These terms describe weapons that are very different from the chain or hinged weapon that the flail is. However there are similarities between the three weapons: they each contain a head with spikes on it. Thus it is acceptable to use the name morning star when referring to the flail. The difference lies in the whip like action in which the flail uses, due to its hinge or chain.
The term morning star actually refers to the head of the weapon, which is a small round spiked ball. This can be used either for a flail or a morning star mace. Flails sometimes do not even contain morning stars with spikes. Many times there were blunt objects attached to a shaft by chain or hinge.
History of the Flail
The flail originated as a tool for agriculture. The term flail was given first to a farming tool used to separate wheat from its husks. This beginning variation of the weapon usually contained a block of wood attached to handle by either a piece or leather or rope. It was eventually was discovered to be a useful weapon by these farmers when they were called up for military service. The tool eventually became more dangerous when spikes were added.
Eventually, special military flails were made. The pictures of these weapons are ones that most people identify them with. These pictures portray a short stick with a chain and spiked metal ball. Sometimes referred as the “ball and chain,” this infantry weapon type was most commonly used during the middle ages in the 13th century. The weapon consists of a mace or morning star, with the handle being replaced by a chain, and thus connecting to a shorter handle. Soldiers who used this weapon generally grasped the handle with either one or two hands, and made a swinging motion toward enemies during battle. Maximum damages to enemies occurred when soldiers would swing the weapon above their head in a circular motion to gain momentum.
Description of the Flail
• Flails were used as armor fighting weapons. It eventually was developed into an elaborately spiked steel war club, from a steel ball on a wooden handle.
• Flails were not only used by foot soldiers, but by those of horseback as well.
• Knights that used this weapon generally had smaller and lighter versions for comfort and less stress.
• During the Middle Ages the flail was made of a spiked metal ball attached to a handle or club by a hinge or chain.
• The morning star portion of the flail originated on the mace. The first mace was basically a metal ball mounted on a club.
• The weapon eventually became stronger and more dangerous when multiple chains and balls were attached to the shaft.
• The addition of the chain allowed for the wielder to gain a greater amount of momentum before striking the enemy.
• The flail was a highly effective offensive weapon, but it lacked a great deal with defense. There were few ways for the wielders of the weapon to defend themselves using only the weapon. A shield was needed.
• The flail was used as a close contact weapon.
• The weapon struck with so much force and momentum that it could cause a great deal of injury to knights wearing armor.
• The weapon was primarily used for bludgeoning an opponent.
Flail Training
Skills for using medieval weapons were acquired by understanding Medieval Warfare strategy. This aspect was a vital part of life during this time. The following training is required by knights to use the flail:
• The training method practiced in the use of the flail was based on strength and accuracy in hitting the target, increasing the momentum to increase the force.
• During practice flails were blunted or wooden. A hit was scored when contact was made in a defined target area.
How to Make Your Own Flail
Required Materials:
• 3 inch sphere: This will be used for the ball of the flail.
• 1.25 inch diameter wooden dowel rod at least 24 inces in length: This will be used as the shaft for the flail.
• 2 threaded screw eyes: These will be used to attach the chain to the shaft and the ball to the chain.
• 10-12 inches of chain: This will obviously serve as the chain for the flail.
• 10 inch leather strap: This will be used to make a grip for the handle
• Cabinet door knob: This will be used for that pommel of the flail. Some flails had pommels just to make the weapon have a better weight distribution.
• Needle nosed pliers
• Electrical Tape
• Super Glue
Construction:
• Cut your dowel rod to 24 inches in length. In this case I cut mine to 30 inches in length.
• Next screw one of the eye hooks into the end of the rod.
• Then use needle nosed pliers to open the eye so it is possible to put one end of the chain inside, and once inside close the eye.
• Next open the other eye hook with the pliers and attach it to the sphere.
• Attach the other end of the chain to the ball and close the eye hook.
• Put a small amount of super glue around the hole where the hook is located for strength.
• Next make the grip. Use some electrical tape to tape down one end of the leather strap and wrap it around the handle until the desired size of the grip is achieved, or until leather is gone.
• Finally, super glue the cabinet door knob to the opposite end of the dowel rod to create a pommel.
Bibliography
Devries, Kelley. Medieval Military Technology. Copyright 1992, Broadview Press
Limited, Orchard Park, New York. Pages 25-28
Http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Flail_%28weapon%29. Pages 1-2. 3 May 2008
Poor Man’s Flail. http://www.geocities.com/Area51/Cavern/4200.pflail.html?200812
Pages 1-2. 3 May 2008
Early Medieval Dress
Alexandra Finley
Early Medieval Dress – Women of the Nobility
Archeological evidence of early medieval clothing may lead the casual observer to conclude that the dress of that period was drab and plain. Most surviving articles of clothing have been worn and frayed by years of existence, and most no longer contain any trace of color. In reality, in their prime, these articles of clothing would have been not only extremely varied and personalized but also full of color.
Carolingian women’s clothing was an evolution of the peplos, a tunic like garment worn by not only the early Germanic tribes but also by the vast majority of Western European regional tribes (Owen-Crocker, 42). Different variations of this tunic could be found, and the pattern continued to evolve as the years went on. A typical dress from this period consisted of a tailored gown, usually ankle length, with sleeves that could vary from three quarter-length to full length. The sleeves were usually straight, though some were slightly flared (the trend towards highly flared sleeves originated in the early eleventh century). The name of this sleeved gown is elusive, but in existent wills from the period, the most commonly mentioned outfit is the cyrtel, a word that could also refer to a tunic worn by men (Owen-Crocker 217).
For women of the upper class, these gowns could be decorated according to personal taste. Ornamental design was common among the clothes of women of the upper class. Manuscripts and tapestries picture women with embroidery featured on many different locations of the gown, from the sleeves to the skirt. Existing scraps of fabric from the time period show evidence of geometric and leaf scroll designs (Owen-Crocker 309). Contrasting colors could be used to trim the neckline, wrists, and hem. These bands of color, especially in the Carolingian culture, could also be attached to the front of the gown and used to connect trims on the neck with trims on the arms (Owen–Crocker 216). Adding to the variety of decorations found on early medieval gowns was the existence of different types of looms which could produce patterned twills or even patterned silk, made from imported threads.
Many gowns depicted through manuscripts or sculptures are shown with a sash or belt at the waist. Additionally, buckles are commonly found in medieval burial sites. The presence of such buckles, as well as other metals, has provided the greatest source of fabric preservation within burial sites. Much evidence of period fabrics comes from remnants of cloth attached to buckles (Owen-Crocker 273). These belts appear to have been worn around the hips, providing somewhat of a shape to the wearer. The true divergence of male and female clothing and the beginning of the feminine form, however, did not appear until the fourteenth century (Pipponier 79). At this time, flowing garments were popular with both genders.
The two main textiles used in this time period were wool and linen. Most surviving fabrics are wool, probably because wool better survives waterlogged conditions. Wool is commonly found attached to buckles, as mentioned above, or on the backs of brooches. Still, there have been discoveries of preserved linens, when the right conditions are present. Written record shows that both linen and wool were worn. In an account of St. Etheldreda, Bede tries to highlight the asceticism of the saint by mentioning the she wore only wool (Owen-Crocker 133). The most luxurious fabric, however, was certainly silk. Royalty had used silk since the seventh century. Records from the 9th Century at St. Gall state that Carolingian courtiers wore Pavian silks. The silken robe was a definite sign of wealth, and surviving records describe them with great detail: they could be embroidered with gold thread with pearls and other gemstones attached to them (Pipponier 71). Fur also had various uses. It could trim necklines, line outer garments, or it could be used to fashion long robes (Cosgrave 106).
Coloring of these fabrics varied with social class and the intended use of the garment. Bright colors were the most popular, yellow being especially in vogue with the nobility. Reds and purples were also valued dyes of princes. Blue fabrics, dyed from woad, were frequently used, but dark greens and blacks were mostly used for the linings of garments (Pipponier 71).
For the wealthy, there were numerous options for design and execution. With the rainbow of colors achievable through natural dyes, methods of weaving, embroidered designs, and various trims found in early medieval clothing, it is hard to look at the clothing as dull or simple. The vivacity of women’s gowns is another testament to the misnomer of “Dark Ages.”
Works Cited
"10th and 11th Century Clothing in England: a Portfolio of Images." 10 Nov.-Dec. 2003. University of Vermont. 24 Apr. 2008
Carlson, I. Marc. "Kyrtles, Cotes, Tunics, and Gowns." Clothing of the Middle Ages. 24 Apr. 2004. 20 Apr. 2008
Cosgrave, Bronwyn. The Complete History of Costume and Fashion: From Ancient Egypt to the Present Day. New York City: Checkmark Books, 2001.
O' Mulvany, Muireann. "Tunics the Period Way." Tournaments Illuminated 9 June 1999. 11 Apr. 2008
Owen-Crocker, Gale R. Dress in Anglo-Saxon England. Rochester: Boydell P, 2004.
Piponnier, Francoise, and Perrine Mane. Dress in the Middle Ages. New Haven: Yale UP, 1997.
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